Gaza’s 12 Universities Will Rise Up Again

In their war on Gaza, the Israelis pulverized the educational sector in the enclave. There are no schools, no colleges and no universities due to the mass bombs deliberately targeting these institutions since 7 October, 2023.

Over 90,000 Palestinian university students in Gaza have no universities to go back to when the war ends.

Israel’s bombings have turned all of the 12 universities in the Strip into piles of rubble, campuses are a wreck, student lecture halls no longer exists, tumbledown buildings have become the standard textbook case of woes and misery underlined by running sewers and dirty water floods.  

Besides, the mass attack on the higher educational system by Israeli warplanes targetted and killed nearly 100 Palestinian scholars, deans, scientists and professors, calling this criminal rampage as scholastide with the Israeli intention of destroying the whole system of education in the Gaza Strip as UN experts pointed out.

To demonstrate his outrage, Palestinian-American Dr Tariq Haddad refused to meet US Secretary Anthony Blinken after Israel killed 100 people from his family in its Gaza genocide. Among his family, included physicians and professors who were murdered wantonly.

The attack on the universities was deliberate attempt to destroy Palestinian culture and learning.  Al-Aqsa University in Khan Yunis, in the south of the Gaza Strip, was completely decimated, made dysfunctional by an Israeli regime that has long forgotten knowledge culture and civilization.

Al Aqsa University began to be destroyed slowly since the end of 2023. As Palestinians started to move in search of safe areas, they found Al Aqsa University. It had been turned into a place for the thousends of displaced people being forced out of their homes by Israeli warplanes.

Once the Israeli army started to hear of that, they increased the bombing of this institution accomplanied by carnage, killing and mayhem.

The same is the case with the Islamic University in Gaza which was completely destroyed by the Israeli occupation forces.

The Islamic University was the biggest educational learning in Gaza, yet all of its faculties were completely destroyed soon after 7 October.

There are plenty of pictures that show “before and after” – a horrendous, vicious attack on educational learning.

One Israel soldier relished his destructive work so much, decided to film himself walking through Al Azhar University which is now lie in a desolate, dilapidated state.

In a mock display, he walks among its ruins, saying the university is now closed for reconstruction and asking the Israeli soldiers who have now come to occupy its wrecked and debris-ridden halls, if they want to sign up for the new semester.

In rememberance of their destructions, Middle East Eye ran a piece on those higher learnings that once existed. Besides the Islamic University of Gaza and the Aqsa University, there was Al Israa University, Al Azhar University, Palestine Technical College, University College of Applied Sciences, University of Palestine, Gaza University, Hassan II University of Agriculture and Environmental Sciences and Dar Al Kalima University.

But there all gone now. US Congressman Bernie Sanders tries to emphasize the point across to the US Senate about student protesters in US university campasses for the support of Palestine. He told Senators in Gaza there are no student protesters because every one of the 12 campuses there were destroyed by the Israelis.

Another Israeli soldier found it appropriate to take a selfie of himself behind a book shelves in Al Aqsa University which he just set on fire.

The rampage of the University which is located in Khan Younis, to the South of Gaza City, was second largest city in Gaza, occupied for the best part of three months by the Israeli army in a bid to get rid of Hamas and Palestinian resistance fighters.

Israeli soldiers gave up last April and left. They hadn’t destroyed the resistance, but what they decimated Khan Younis, its university, colleges and schools. It was pure terroristic vandalism.

The photo of the Israeli soldier went viral. It shows him holding a book while a fire burns behind him in the Al Aqsa University library that is one of the largest book depositories in the Gaza Strip.

Despite the killing of its doctors, nurses, computer scientists, engineers, teachers, lectures, workers, journalists and many other professions, Palestinians are still hopeful about the “day after” when the war will end.

The image of 21-year-old Duaa from deep down Gaza is heartening. It is a call for the outside world to let her continue her studies despite the fact “…we are living in a state of occupation war that destroyed my home, my country, and my university…” she said.

And there are many like her which means the destroyed universities will be rebuilt one day and the educational system will be rebuilt and reconstituted despite the Israeli slaughter because Palestinians will not go anywhere accept stay in Gaza.

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    CrossFireArabia

    Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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    Litmus Test: Israel-USA Ties Dive as Trump Officials Talk to Hamas

    Relations between Tel Aviv and Washington is it is becoming clear that White House officials are talking to Hamas. The US-based Axios website quoted an Israeli informed official as saying that Israeli envoy to the United States Ron Dermer, who is close to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, had a tense call with American hostage envoy Adam Boehler about the matter.

    Axios political correspondent and Middle East expert Barak Ravid explained Israel’s concerns about the Trump administration’s secret negotiations with Hamas erupted in a controversial phone call last Tuesday between Dermer and Boehler.

    He revealed that the aids of US President Donald Trump informed Israeli officials early last month of the possibility of dealing directly with Hamas, and the Israelis then advised the American side against doing so, especially without preconditions. However, Israel discovered through other channels that the United States was moving forward in that direction nevertheless.

    No direct criticism of Trump

    Netanyahu avoided criticizing Trump publicly since Axios revealed the unprecedented talks between the United States and Hamas last Wednesday, and has only said that Israel has made its opinion clear to the United States.

    But hours after Boehler met in Doha with Hamas leader and head of the negotiating team, Khalil al-Hayya, Dermer did not hold back in expressing Israel’s concerns about the talks.

    The American message was such a deal would go a long way with Trump, who would then push for a broader deal that could include a long-term truce, safe passage for Hamas leaders out of Gaza, release of all remaining prisoners, and an end to the war. The alternative would be a renewed Israeli military campaign to destroy Hamas.

    Trump and his advisers had hoped for a breakthrough before his address to Congress the previous Tuesday, but found Hamas’s response inadequate.

    Israeli Concern

    The reporter said that while Netanyahu was initially averse to the idea of ​​the United States sitting down with Hamas, he and his advisers became increasingly concerned as the idea became a reality.

    Ravid quoted his sources as saying that Dermer objected to Boehler making proposals without Israel’s consent, and Boehler responded that the talks did not come close to a deal with Hamas, and that he understood Israel’s parameters.

    An Israeli official claimed that Dermer’s tense call with Boehler prompted the White House to reassess its approach.

    The site explained that when Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff joined the efforts to reach a deal on Gaza in the final days of the administration of former US President Joe Biden, he suggested holding a direct meeting with Hamas to accelerate the talks, but that ultimately did not happen then, an Israeli official and a former US official said.

    Pressure on Hamas

    Trump and his advisers held a long meeting last Wednesday about the talks with Hamas, and decided that they needed to send a strong public message.

    A US official said the idea was to pressure Hamas to make concessions and make clear that the US position on the movement had not changed.

    On Wednesday evening, shortly after meeting with a group of the released hostages, Trump issued a new public ultimatum to Hamas to release all remaining hostages, describing it as a final warning.

    On Thursday, Trump defended the talks with Hamas, describing them as beneficial to Israel “because we are talking about Israeli hostages.”

    Luring Political Capital

    Steve Witkoff, who is scheduled to travel to the region early next week, said the release of American hostage Alexander is the administration’s “top priority,” noting that he is wounded.

    He said “good humanitarian action by Hamas” regarding Alexander “will get them a lot of political capital,” and stressed that there is a “deadline” for Hamas to agree to a deal.

    Trump’s envoy said that if Hamas does not take a more “reasonable” approach, “there will be some action by Israel.”

    Al Jazeera

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    ‘This is How Israel is Moving The US Along’

    By Jamal Kanj

    Netanyahu’s manipulation of the ceasefire agreement and US complicity in extending phase one reveal Israel’s ongoing strategy to delay peace and continue its genocidal actions against Palestinians.

    The three-phase ceasefire agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Resistance, while offering a fleeting glimmer of hope for ending Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza, was never likely to succeed. Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to break the ceasefire by blocking food and medical aid from entering Gaza—furthering war-crime starvation—was not a matter of “if” but “when.”

    The ceasefire agreement was carefully designed to be implemented in three distinct phases, each to be implemented sequentially, with the oversight and verbal guarantees from the three key mediators: the United States, Qatar, and Egypt.

    The integrity of the agreement hinges on the mediators’ ability to ensure that all parties remain fully committed to honoring its terms. Otherwise, what credibility would the mediators’ signatures or the mediation process hold if Netanyahu could simply demand to renegotiate an agreement that took at least 8 months to finalize?

    Netanyahu is leading negotiations on two conflicting fronts: one with the Resistance to exchange Israeli captives for Palestinian hostages held in Israeli dungeons, and second with the racist warmonger’s wing in his government.

    In preparation to break the agreement, and to placate his warmonger ministers, Netanyahu changed the negotiating team for phase two by replacing the heads of Mossad and Shaback with his alter ego, Ron Dermer, minister of strategic affairs. Dermer, who during a war cabinet meeting in mid-October 2023, told US Secretary of State, Anthony Blinken, “There won’t be a humanitarian crises [sic] in Gaza if no civilians are there.”

    Talks for the second phase were scheduled to start the first week of February, but Israel did not show up at the negotiation table. In a desperate bid to buy time and secure American support, Netanyahu dispatched Dermer to Washington over a week ago. His mission: to sell the idea of renegotiating the current agreement and extend the first phase.

    This tactic is emblematic of Netanyahu’s broader strategy— exploiting diplomatic engagements to maintain the status quo, buying time and maximizing the number of released Israeli captives by extending phase one before finishing his genocide war and ethnic cleansing in Gaza.

    The timing is no coincidence. With growing international scrutiny mounting over Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the West Bank, Netanyahu is investing in Washington’s habitual deference to Israeli demands. By stalling negotiations, Netanyahu hopes to delay difficult political reckonings required in phase two, mainly ending the Israeli blockade and aggression on Gaza.

    The Trump administration complied with Netanyahu’s request, pledging to dispatch its Middle East special envoy, Steve Witkoff, to renegotiate the current ceasefire agreement and floating an Israeli demand to extend phase one for an additional 50 days. Trump’s decision to heed the Israeli prime minister’s  request so swiftly only serves to validate Netanyahu’s view of the US when he was caught on tape back in 2001 saying that “America is a thing you can move very easily.”

    By acquiescing to Netanyahu’s maneuvering, Trump not only reinforced this perception but also risked undermining his own standing as a world leader. The pattern of deference to Israeli interests continues to resonate as a stark reflection of the bizarre dynamics in US-Israel relations, where America’s Middle East foreign policy is exclusively franchised to Israel and its Washington Jewish lobby.

    Netanyahu’s latest scheme is a reminder that as long as Washington remains willing to be “moved” at Israel’s convenience, meaningful progress toward peace will remain unattainable. Rather than acting as an impartial mediator, the US continues to function as a complicit enabler, reinforcing the very power imbalances that perpetuate Israeli depravity and Palestinian adversity.

    In endorsing Netanyahu’s demand to renegotiate the existing agreement rather than negotiating an end of war in phase two, the Trump administration is effectively empowering Netanyahu’s prevarications. This allows Israel to prolong Palestinians’ suffering while appearing to engage in negotiations. In reality, the extension serves as a tool for Netanyahu to consolidate his power amid domestic political turmoil, neutralize international pressure, and further cement Israel’s occupation and apartheid policies.

    By backing Netanyahu’s decision to halt humanitarian aid to Gaza—Trump, much like his predecessor—kowtows to Netanyahu’s wishes. America’s willingness to leverage its global influence in service of Israel is a major factor in the increasingly rigid Israeli position, enabling a racist Jewish government more invested in maintaining the status quo than in seeking genuine peace. Israeli intransigence is not merely an oversight—it is a deliberate policy intended to maintain Palestinian dispossession, statelessness, and subjugation.

    Israel has also violated the ceasefire agreement with Lebanon by failing to fully withdraw from Lebanese territory within the 60-day timeframe stipulated under the American and French-mediated agreement. Additionally, it has breached the decades-old ceasefire treaty with Syria, launching countless air raids and occupying the buffer zone and army positions along the border.

    Israel’s willingness to violate every agreement it signs is not a failure of diplomacy—it is a direct result of enabling a war criminal who has shown time and again that his only path forward is through bloodshed. If the international community truly seeks an end to this genocide, it must stop treating Netanyahu as a legitimate partner in peace and start holding him accountable for his crimes.

    By denying Palestinians their agency and as long as Washington remains beholden to an Israel-centric foreign policy—shaped by doomsday messianic Christians and the Jewish lobby—Tel Aviv will continue to perpetuate repression, sustain aggression, and ensure the failure of phase two.

    – Jamal Kanj is the author of “Children of Catastrophe,” Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Arab world issues for various national and international commentaries. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle

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