How Do You Deal With a ‘Political Earthquake’?

The Middle East has long been accustomed to dramatic events and repeated surprises. However, it is undeniable that what came before October 7 is fundamentally different from what followed.

This shift is not only due to the ongoing wars that have spread beyond Gaza to other fronts, nor solely because of the consequences these conflicts have triggered across the region. More significantly, it has exposed the harsh realities the region faces, from the collapse of the concept of the state and its implications to the erosion of national identities and the emergence of new ethnic, sectarian, and geographical standards reshaping political maps.

Over the past years, the failure of the nation-state model, coupled with its reduction to authoritarian concepts, has played a pivotal role in deepening the psychological division in many countries, a division that, in many cases, precedes geographical fragmentation.

In the current geopolitical landscape, Gaza is no longer the Gaza we once knew. With the absence of a viable Arab-led solution, the US administration, despite its often-contradictory diplomatic statements, still keeps the depopulation of Gaza on the table as a practical resolution. Meanwhile, the West Bank is experiencing Israeli operations aimed at bringing about a radical transformation, one that all parties may soon have to accept as a new reality.

Syria, too, has entered a state of turmoil that makes it increasingly difficult to revert to its former political and territorial structure. Whether through shifts in internal power dynamics or anticipated geographical and political changes, Syria is on a path of transformation.

These unprecedented changes, which directly impact Jordan, impose urgent requirements for adaptation and strategic engagement with new realities. This new era demands a shift in priorities, making “Jordanian-focused thinking” a fundamental approach to navigating the geopolitical and security challenges unfolding across the region.

This strategic recalibration must take place on three levels. The first involves managing relations with the current U.S. administration, which has been in the White House for only a few weeks yet has already triggered a geopolitical earthquake on the global stage. For Jordan to remain a key regional player, it must employ new tools and diplomatic tactics that emphasize effectiveness and tangible results, especially considering that this administration is highly focused on reassessing the utility of aid provided to its allies.

The second is the regional shift, where several key issues stand out. The evolving relationship with Israel, which is shifting dramatically and deteriorating from bad to worse, requires a reconsidered strategy for future engagement. The relationship with Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, demands greater attention, not only because Saudi Arabia remains the only pillar of stability in the region but also due to its economic and political influence, which could prove crucial for Jordan in the coming phase. In this context, the concept of “political and economic integration” should be the foundation for shaping and strengthening ties between the two countries.

Perhaps the most pressing regional challenge is Jordan’s approach to Syria. Changes are already unfolding in the areas adjacent to Jordan’s northern border, creating a new reality that Jordan must navigate carefully. It is imperative to formulate a strategy that not only secures borders but also leverages new political and economic configurations to serve Jordan’s long-term interests.

The third is the domestic, and most important recalibration, how does Jordan adapt to these external shifts and their internal repercussions? This phase demands a new political discourse and a fresh approach to managing internal affairs. Shielding Jordan from external shocks, narratives of fragmentation, sectarian polarization, and social discord requires a two-pronged strategic response: strengthening the bureaucratic system and reinforcing national identity.

This necessitates a well-crafted national narrative, a reinvigoration of collective national consciousness, and tangible policy actions that signal the beginning of a new phase of resilience and transformation, one that will be the defining test of the coming period.

Dr Amer Al Sabaileh is a columnist in the Jordan Times

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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‘Zionism a Mistake’ – Israeli Historian Tom Segev

Tom Segev, one of Israel’s most renowned historians, has broken a decades-long silence. On his 80th birthday, he declared that Zionism—Israel’s founding ideology—was a mistake.

In a deeply personal interview with Haaretz, Segev said, “Zionism is not such a great success story. It also doesn’t provide security to Jews. It’s safer for Jews to live outside Israel.” He added that Zionism created myths instead of solutions.

Born in Jerusalem in 1945 to Jewish German parents who fled the Nazis, Segev has spent more than 50 years researching Israel’s history. His books include 1967, The Seventh Million, and Soldiers of Evil, all known for challenging Israeli narratives.

In the interview, Segev shared a painful truth about his father’s death. He grew up believing his father was killed by an Arab sniper during the 1948 war. “I was able to say that he was killed during the War of Independence and that I was a war orphan.”

But later, Segev’s sister revealed a different story. Their father had actually died in a freak accident—falling from a drainpipe while trying to deliver coffee to guards. He stated that he was brought up on a lie.

This moment of reckoning made him question everything—including the stories Israel tells about itself.

Segev now says the Zionist project was never meant for people like his parents. “My parents started to plan their return to Germany”, he revealed. “They were never Zionists and they wanted to go home. A month after the last letter my father wrote to a friend about how much he wanted to go back – he was killed.”

Despite growing up in Israel, Segev never fully embraced Zionist ideals. He stressed that much of what Israelis were told was myth.

In his academic work, Segev often turns to documents rather than oral testimonies. He famously challenged former Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion in a 1968 interview, questioning the idea that Ben-Gurion became Zionist at age three.

Segev believes the Holocaust has been politically weaponized. In The Seventh Million, he argued that instead of teaching democracy and human rights, Israel used the Holocaust to fuel fear and justify wars.

He also criticized internal discrimination within Israeli society. In his book 1949: The First Israelis, Segev exposed how Jewish colonial settlers from Arab countries were pushed into camps, while Europeans were given hotels.

Segev insists he isn’t ideological. “People have also said I am anti-Zionist, but I am not an ideologue and not a philosopher, and I don’t think in terms of ideologies,” he says. “It was said that I want to shatter myths. But that’s not true, either. I was not part of the ‘New Historians’ but rather of the ‘First Historians.’ With respect to the state’s establishment there was no history here – just mythology and a great deal of indoctrination. In the 1980s we opened documents in the archives and said, ‘Wow, this isn’t what we were taught in school.’”

“We need to remember that the majority of the Holocaust survivors did not come to live in Israel and that the majority of Jews in the world are not coming to Israel”, he stressed. “They can, but they don’t want to live in this country. So Zionism is not such a great success story. It also doesn’t provide security to Jews. It’s safer for Jews to live outside Israel,” as reported in the Quds News Network.

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Sheep in a Wolf Clothing

When Donald Trump become US president and just before, many in the world and the Middle East thought he would have the imagination to end the Israeli war on Gaza.

But everyone, including this writer, were sadly mistaken. He appears to be fueling the conflict on the little enclave and satisfying the inclination of Israeli Prime’s Benjamin Netanyahu’s appetite for repeated genocide on the territory. 

It has become quickly, and blatantly obvious that Trump was not in interested in wrapping up this catastrophic war  and ending it but to follow the machinations of the previous Joe Biden administration of adding fuel to the fire, giving Israel more open-cheque, deadly arms under the pretext of finishing the presence of Hamas in Gaza.

The fact that the Israelis with the help of the Americans were only killing more helpless civilians most of whom are babies, toddlers, children and women was neither here nor there. Their bombs fall on what used to be residential areas and certainly not on Hamas fighters and other operatives.

While Trump must be credited for achieving a ceasefire on Gaza in 19 January, 2025, just days before he officially entered the White House, he did nothing to stop Netanyahu when he re-started the war on the strip exactly two months later on 19 March and continues to do so today with no end in sight. 

Despite the diplomatic trips of his personal envoy in the name of Steve Witkoff, Netanyahu is thought to be telling Trump that the war on Gaza will continue till Israel roots out Hamas from the enclave regardless of the mostly-Israeli hostages, now standing at 59 and half of whom are in body bags, thanks to the constant Israeli bombardment of the Palestinian enclave.

Despite his “peace” boasts, Trump has long appeared to be giving Netanyahu the green light to continue the war on the strip as he already stated he wants to displace the Gaza Palestinians to safer places such as Jordan and Egypt while the United States goes into the Strip and clns up the Israeli-purpetrated ruins and develops into a so-called Middle East Riviera under the pretext that Gaza has become an unlivable area. 

It would have been nice of the new peace-tainted US president to say that Gaza was unlivable because of the mass Israeli bombing but Trump is well-aware of that since America has been the superpower behind this genocide since 7 October, 2023.

While he may have since backtracked on the transfer issue because of the mass opposition to it not least of all from Arab countries and the Palestinians themselves Trump’s displacement idea has since become a catchphrase for Netanyahu and other Israeli politicians in his extremist government as a feasible idea to be carried out on a “voluntary” basis and which they are now preparing the ground framework for.

Today Gaza is in a ruinous state. After the 19 January ceasefire, UN food and aid trucks started to enter the beseiged enclave, however all that has stopped when Israel re-started its war on the lone-standing territory. Israel has reinstated the sieged, sealing the Strip with no aid lorries being allowed with the trucks once again standing on the dfifferent entry points of Gaza including Rafah.

For Gaza it is back to the bad old days of starvation, Israeli bombardment, targetting at civilian tents in places like Mawasi and bombing hospitals, a bloody status quo that continued from just after 7 October, 2023 till 19 January 2025 and is resumed today.

Only Trump can stop the present carnage. Only he can put an end to the bloody actions that are being dictated by Natanyahu who is hell-bent on continuing to destroy and kill the people of Gaza who presently stand at 2.1 million.

It is ‘sealed’ starvation for Gaza. It has been now over 50 days when nothing has been allowed to enter the strip but the road is long and the people are bracing themselves for more deaths, not to mention the deadly strikes carried by Israeli planes and drones carried out on a daily basis.

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