Israel’s War on Truth

The number of journalists killed in Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023 is unprecedented in human history. More media workers have lost their lives in the Gaza war than in World War II, the Vietnam War or the 1990s conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. Tallies vary because of different counting methodologies. The International Federation of Journalists puts the toll at 148 deaths while others record a figure of over 200. For context, there were around 1,000 journalists working in Gaza at the start of 2023, so the mortality rate is significant. Of course, the overall toll in this war is horrendous; more than 45,000 have perished, according to the authorities in Gaza. However, the death toll among journalists is dramatically higher than that among any other occupational group.

Explaining such an extraordinary proportion of lost lives is necessarily speculative – but there are factors that are impossible to ignore. The Israeli Defense Forces have access to sophisticated monitoring equipment, such as Pegasus, which secretly infects mobile phones and discloses their precise locations. They have AI-powered systems known as “Lavender” and “Gospel” to select targets and program weapons systems to precise geo-locations. They also have a fleet of deadly drones.

Obstacles to reporting

Neither of these are the only circumstantial evidence that something terrible is in progress. International reporters have been barred from Gaza since the war’s outset. Foreign correspondents have repeatedly petitioned to pass through the Rafah crossing to witness events for themselves, and they have been consistently denied. The Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem has stated: “Never before has Israel enforced such a long and strict information blackout. It has repeatedly rejected our appeals for access, (and) fought us in court to uphold this draconian ban.”

During the same period, the Israeli daily paper Haaretz has been sanctioned by its own government, and the Qatari television station Al Jazeera has been banned from operating in both Israel and the West Bank. The most profound effect of this campaign is felt in Gaza, of course, but such an attack on free reporting has an impact all around the world.

Call for international action

As long as the Israeli government pursues such a policy, and is facilitated by its allies, it provides cover for all those around the world who would undermine media freedom. So, what then can be done by those of us who support free and unfettered journalism?

The first step is to recognize the extraordinary bravery of those who continue to report from Gaza. They deserve every form of support that we can provide. In recent months, the IFJ, working with UNESCO, has launched three journalists’ solidarity centers in Gaza where reporters work, recuperate, socialize and access training. Alongside many other agencies, the IFJ also directly aids journalists through their union, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. Anyone can support this work via the IFJ’s International Safety Fund.

No less important is the demand for an international investigation into what has happened to journalists in Gaza. Karim Khan, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has already announced that he has “reasonable grounds to believe that Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant bear criminal responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity.” It is critical that Khan’s investigation progresses and that its findings are examined in a court of law. Only when this happens will there be a chance for Palestinians to start believing that international law protects them.

International law needs to be more accessible

Such a long wait for the ICC to take up this case – and previous crimes such as the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh in 2022 – makes it clear that obtaining international justice for journalists is a significant challenge. For this reason, the IFJ has long campaigned for a specific UN Convention on the Safety of Journalists. This would not create new rights, but would make international law more accessible when journalists are targeted. Adoption of such a Convention in the next few years will be of little comfort to those who have lost their lives in Gaza. It would, however, be a recognition of the service that journalists provide and the sacrifice that this often demands.

Without journalists, the people of the world would have little idea of how lives beyond their own neighborhoods are impacted by global events. Most of us may have cause to disagree with the perspectives of some or many individual journalists, but the more reporting is available to us, the more voices are heard, the better we will be able to make up our own minds about what is important. Emphasizing the international legal provisions that protect journalists will improve the safety for all – whether they work in war zones or at home alone.

The above piece is written by Tim Dawson who is the deputy general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists for Anadolu.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Jordan’s Fight Against Displacement

By Dr Amer Al Sabaileh

With the conclusion of the first meeting between President Donald Trump and His Majesty King Abdullah, Jordan finds itself facing a real political test. The strategy of buying time with an administration that has been in office for only a few weeks may not offer much room for maneuvering, making it increasingly difficult to navigate the direction of US policy. Jordan has sought to carve out a space for itself by engaging with the American president and promoting an alternative that has broader Arab support. However, this approach requires swift action and the presentation of practical alternatives that could gradually shape Trump’s perspective.

Jordan now needs to build strong alliances to manage the next phase and counter the looming threat of forced displacement of Gaza’s population—a proposal that Trump has openly suggested as the only solution. Regionally, Jordan finds itself alongside Egypt as both countries face direct pressure from the US displacement plan. This shared challenge has reinforced their cooperation on various regional issues over the years, yet expanding the Arab alliance has now become an urgent necessity. The multiple forms of US pressure on Egypt make it crucial to establish a stronger, more resilient Arab coalition, with Saudi Arabia playing a central role.

Trump views Saudi Arabia as a gateway to regional peace and a key economic partner, not only for the United States, but also for a major strategic project aimed at linking India to Europe through the Arabian Peninsula, the Mediterranean, and Italy. This highlights the importance of Saudi Arabia’s role in Trump’s vision. At the same time, Jordan’s southern geography is closely tied to Saudi Arabia within this ambitious economic corridor, which strengthens shared economic interests between the two countries. This growing economic partnership could lay the groundwork for deeper political coordination, including a potential Jordanian-Saudi understanding regarding the proposed displacement policy.

On the international level, Jordan can work to rally support for its political stance, which enjoys broad consensus among key global actors. However, at this stage, prioritising Arab alliances and maintaining effective communication channels with the US administration is far more critical than merely seeking international backing.

Domestically, Jordan’s internal front remains the most crucial. The current climate presents an opportunity for the state to reinforce national unity, as growing regional instability has heightened public awareness of external threats. This requires decisive steps to foster genuine political participation and address long-standing grievances of exclusion and marginalization. A shift in political discourse, engagement strategies, and governance methods is necessary to strengthen national cohesion. Uniting Jordanians under an inclusive and representative state framework will be vital in shaping a new phase in the country’s history.

What remains striking is how Jordan was suddenly thrust into the equation of resolving the Gaza crisis. From the outset of the war, discussions primarily centered around Egypt due to its direct geographical connection to Gaza. However, Trump’s unexpected move to involve Jordan has now exposed the country to two major risks: the potential displacement of Gaza’s population and, more alarmingly, the forced displacement of West Bank residents. The push to make Jordan part of the US plan for Gaza raises concerns that this could lead to an imposed reality in which Jordan is expected to absorb West Bank residents as well.

Categorically rejecting forced displacement must be Jordan’s top priority. However, achieving this requires a high level of political agility and the ability to engage in direct negotiations with all relevant stakeholders. This approach would strengthen Jordan’s regional role at a time when further Israeli escalation across multiple fronts, including Gaza and the West Bank, seems increasingly likely. Such an escalation could be used by the Israeli government to block political maneuvering and impose new realities on the ground. A military confrontation could shift the issue of displacement from a political debate to an unavoidable reality, forcing all parties to confront its consequences.

The author is an academic writing for The Jordan Times.

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Don’t be Distracted by Trump’s Bizarre Plan, Focus…

By James J. Zogby

My initial response to President Donald Trump’s proposals for Gaza was to dismiss them as bizarre, detached from reality, dangerously provocative, illegal, and callously insensitive to Palestinian humanity.

His proposals are, in fact, all of the above. But because we know that this president is not a stupid man, it would be wise to assume that there may be a “method to his madness.” Not unlike Trump’s “shock and awe” Executive Order blitz that had his opponents and the media scrambling to understand his intentions, I believe that the same logic may be at work with his Gaza remarks. The logic has two essential components. The first is to disorient and demoralize his opponents. The second is to distract them—like a carnival hustler’s shell game—so we take our eyes off the real issues in front of us and focus instead on the illusion being created.

With this in mind, I do not believe for a minute that Trump intends to send US troops to take over Gaza to forcibly expel 1.5 million Palestinians. Nor will he be able to coerce Jordan and Egypt to receive and permanently resettle these expelled Palestinians, nor entice Saudi Arabia to pay to build Palestinians a “big new beautiful place.”

All these ideas are so far-fetched and dangerous that it is inconceivable that this president, who says he wants to keep America out of war and bring peace to the Middle East, will try to do any or all of them.

I may be attacked by some for trying to give President Trump the benefit of the doubt. To be clear, that is precisely what I am not doing. He may want to turn the page with the distractions of a bizarre plan for Gaza. But instead of taking the bait, we should continue to focus on what’s real. What I am saying is that instead of spending endless hours attempting to parse out his words or critique his plan or prepare for its implementation (which is exactly what he wants us to do), we should avoid the distraction and focus on the urgency of matters in front of us. The fragile ceasefire in Gaza must be maintained and the parties must move into its second and third phases. That means continuing to press for Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza and plans to begin reconstruction. It means directing our attention and action to stopping Israel’s escalation of oppressive violence on the West Bank. And it means maintaining focus on the need to hold Israel and the US culpable for the war crimes committed during the past 15 months.

Neither President Trump nor Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu want us to act on any of these pressing matters. They want to further demoralise Palestinians while causing turmoil in Arab countries. They want the clock to run down on Phase One of the ceasefire plan. This would allow Netanyahu to resume his war to achieve what he calls “total victory” in Gaza. It would also ensure that he maintains his governing coalition and remains in office. 

In other words, instead of addressing real problems crying for our attention, President Trump wants us to fall for his game by debating an illusory distraction while the Israelis pursue their deadly game right under our noses.  

James J. Zogby is a columnist in The Jordan Times

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