Can Arab States Stop The Israeli Genocide?

Neither the Israeli war nor the ethnic cleansing of Gaza will ever stop if there is no forceful, determined intervention from the outside. 

And primarily this intervention has to come from the Arab countries and the pan-Arab nation as a whole: If these states – so-called Arab brethren and Islamic affiliates bound by common language and culture – don’t stand up and say ‘no’ to Netanyahu’s bloody war on Gaza, now in its 15th month, the ethnic cleansing, devastation, destruction and possibly the near and future displacement of the Palestinian people will continue to be hummed.

No bland utterances

Arab countries, from the far-west to the center and all the way to the east must move beyond bland utterances and condemnations of the mindless bloody Israeli military actions on Gaza that has so far resulted in the killing of more than 50,000 people, internally displaced more than 2 million of the population with 14,000 dead yet to be recovered from under the millions-of-tons of rubble that needs years to clear out.

As well, and further stated by Palestinian activist Dr Mustafa Al Barghouti, Arab states have to now develop at least a two-pronged strategy to drive the message across that they will not stand ideally by and watch the Palestinian people of Gaza being massacred and driven to smithereens.

Arab countries, and incidentally this should have been done a long time ago, which have normalized with Israel must freeze their diplomatic relations with the Zionist entity. Their leaders must say to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that relations will remain cut and frozen and that no further relations will take place, until he ends the Israeli war on Gaza and from now on, its back to the “bad old days” of a black Cold War between the Arab countries and Israel. 

The message needs to be loud and made crystal clear by Arab leaders for Netanyahu and his extremist government and military men to stop the carnage, killing and mayhem that is being created in Gaza and its people.

Determined Arabs

It is only through such a determined approach that will force the Israeli government, its leaders and ministers to sit, think and possibly review their slaughter of the Gaza enclave. At the very least, they would be forced to put the “brakes on” to their “happy attitude” of committing their atrocious massacres carried out almost daily since 7 October, 2023.

What is needed is a credible deterrence with those in power moving beyond their pedestals and high chairs and plush stages and put words and action together for the Arab world is nowhere as helpless on this issue as it is being projected.

All of the 22 Arab countries have now a real opportunity to stop the Gaza massacres through the new American president at the White House Donald Trump. He forced Netanyahu’s hand for a temporary ceasefire starting 19th January, 2025 which continued for almost two months and he can do it again if he wanted to and/or forced to. At the moment there is no political will.

Effective tool

Despite the present-relaunching of the war on 19 March, basically through an American green-light, Arab countries can have an effective and meaningful role if they choose to. After all, Trump soon backed down when he first suggested that the USA take over Gaza and turn it a Middle East Riviera whilst displacing its people to neighboring countries such as Jordan and Egypt.

He soon retreated from pursuing such an idea especially when Arab capitals such as Cairo, Amman, Riyadh, Algiers, Beirut, Kuwait, Doha, Muscat and Abu Dhabi condemned such a move with Netanyahu even having the audacity to say  Palestinians can have their state in Saudi Arabia. Trump’s Riviera idea soon became bogged down but Israel shortly after, restarted its war on Gaza, again with the blessing of the US administration.

But here again, and today the Arab countries, can make their move. The USA has vital, strategic, economic and political interests in the world and these can be used in different ways to persuade Washington to pressure Tel Aviv to back down on Gaza, other than promising to continue its bloody onslaught on ordinary Palestinians in Gaza with the hope of getting rid of Hamas and which according to their calculations they can’t beat until 2027 and/or whenever.

Netanyahu must be made to stop! He is not doing so because of the ongoing military supplies and backing from the United States and from the muted Arab response which have to go beyond condemnation and denunciations. Arab states have the tools at their disposal, it is time for these to be uses effectively otherwise the Israeli genocide will continue and expand.

This comment is written by Dr Marwan Asmar, chief editor of the crossfirearabia.com website.

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How Do You Deal With a ‘Political Earthquake’?

The Middle East has long been accustomed to dramatic events and repeated surprises. However, it is undeniable that what came before October 7 is fundamentally different from what followed.

This shift is not only due to the ongoing wars that have spread beyond Gaza to other fronts, nor solely because of the consequences these conflicts have triggered across the region. More significantly, it has exposed the harsh realities the region faces, from the collapse of the concept of the state and its implications to the erosion of national identities and the emergence of new ethnic, sectarian, and geographical standards reshaping political maps.

Over the past years, the failure of the nation-state model, coupled with its reduction to authoritarian concepts, has played a pivotal role in deepening the psychological division in many countries, a division that, in many cases, precedes geographical fragmentation.

In the current geopolitical landscape, Gaza is no longer the Gaza we once knew. With the absence of a viable Arab-led solution, the US administration, despite its often-contradictory diplomatic statements, still keeps the depopulation of Gaza on the table as a practical resolution. Meanwhile, the West Bank is experiencing Israeli operations aimed at bringing about a radical transformation, one that all parties may soon have to accept as a new reality.

Syria, too, has entered a state of turmoil that makes it increasingly difficult to revert to its former political and territorial structure. Whether through shifts in internal power dynamics or anticipated geographical and political changes, Syria is on a path of transformation.

These unprecedented changes, which directly impact Jordan, impose urgent requirements for adaptation and strategic engagement with new realities. This new era demands a shift in priorities, making “Jordanian-focused thinking” a fundamental approach to navigating the geopolitical and security challenges unfolding across the region.

This strategic recalibration must take place on three levels. The first involves managing relations with the current U.S. administration, which has been in the White House for only a few weeks yet has already triggered a geopolitical earthquake on the global stage. For Jordan to remain a key regional player, it must employ new tools and diplomatic tactics that emphasize effectiveness and tangible results, especially considering that this administration is highly focused on reassessing the utility of aid provided to its allies.

The second is the regional shift, where several key issues stand out. The evolving relationship with Israel, which is shifting dramatically and deteriorating from bad to worse, requires a reconsidered strategy for future engagement. The relationship with Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, demands greater attention, not only because Saudi Arabia remains the only pillar of stability in the region but also due to its economic and political influence, which could prove crucial for Jordan in the coming phase. In this context, the concept of “political and economic integration” should be the foundation for shaping and strengthening ties between the two countries.

Perhaps the most pressing regional challenge is Jordan’s approach to Syria. Changes are already unfolding in the areas adjacent to Jordan’s northern border, creating a new reality that Jordan must navigate carefully. It is imperative to formulate a strategy that not only secures borders but also leverages new political and economic configurations to serve Jordan’s long-term interests.

The third is the domestic, and most important recalibration, how does Jordan adapt to these external shifts and their internal repercussions? This phase demands a new political discourse and a fresh approach to managing internal affairs. Shielding Jordan from external shocks, narratives of fragmentation, sectarian polarization, and social discord requires a two-pronged strategic response: strengthening the bureaucratic system and reinforcing national identity.

This necessitates a well-crafted national narrative, a reinvigoration of collective national consciousness, and tangible policy actions that signal the beginning of a new phase of resilience and transformation, one that will be the defining test of the coming period.

Dr Amer Al Sabaileh is a columnist in the Jordan Times

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Israel Rejects Egypt’s Plan to Rebuild Gaza

Israel rejected Egypt’s Gaza reconstruction plan, which opposes any forced displacement of Palestinians, a proposal put forward by US President Donald Trump, calling to encourage his “take over” Gaza plan.

Arab leaders met on Tuesday in Cairo for an emergency summit to discuss an Egyptian plan for Gaza’s reconstruction and governance following Israel’s genocide. The summit reaffirmed rejection of any forced displacement of Palestinians.

Israel’s Foreign Ministry claimed that the plan “continues to rely on the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA — both have repeatedly demonstrated corruption, support for terrorism, and failure in resolving the issue.”

“Now, with President Trump’s idea, there is an opportunity for the Gazans to have free choice based on their free will. This should be encouraged! Instead, Arab states have rejected this opportunity, without giving it a fair chance, and continue to level baseless accusations against Israel,” it added.

Egypt’s Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty slammed Israel’s rejection as “unacceptable,” describing its position as “stubborn and extremist.”

“There will be no peace neither to Israel or to the region” without establishing an independent Palestinian state in accordance with United Nations resolutions, he said. He added, “Israel violates all international law rules … the international law must be imposed.”

“No single state should be allowed to impose its will on the international community,” he said.

Washington also voiced its disapproval.

“The current proposal does not address the reality that Gaza is currently uninhabitable and residents cannot humanely live in a territory covered in debris and unexploded ordnance,” White House spokesman Brian Hughes said when asked whether Trump would support the Arab leaders’ plan.

“President Trump stands by his vision to rebuild Gaza free from Hamas,” he added.

Trump’s “Riviera of the Middle East”

Trump had previously proposed permanently displacing Palestinians from Gaza and transforming the area into what he called the “Riviera of the Middle East.” His plan envisioned a developed, Palestinian-free zone under US control and ownership, where “the world’s people” could reside.

He suggested that Jordan and Egypt take in displaced Palestinians, but both countries firmly rejected the idea. Palestinian leaders also dismissed it.

However, two weeks ago, Trump appeared to walk back his Gaza plan. Speaking on Fox News Radio, he said he would not push the proposal but simply recommend it then own the Palestinian territory.

“I’m not forcing it. I’m just going to sit back and recommend it,” Trump said, suggesting that if implemented, “the US would own the site.”

“If you gave the people of Gaza a choice between that and living in a nice community, I think I know where they’d go,” he added, implying support for the ethnic cleansing plan against the Palestinian people but avoiding direct advocacy.

Trump’s remarks sparked global criticism, with many pointing out that he promotes ethnic cleansing. Legal experts warned that forced displacement violates international law and could destabilize the region.

Key Points of Egypt’s Reconstruction Plan

The plan comes as a reaction to Trump’s proposal. According to the draft final statement of the summit, the plan includes:

A six-month administrative committee that would govern Gaza under the Palestinian government. The committee will be independent and composed of technocrats, paving the way for a full Palestinian-led administration according to the Quds News Network.

Egypt and Jordan will train Palestinian police in preparation for deployment in Gaza. The possibility of international peacekeeping forces in Gaza and the West Bank will also be studied.

A medium-term ceasefire to build trust and halt unilateral actions, with a commitment to the two-state solution as part of a political resolution.

Debris removal and temporary housing for displaced residents. The plan includes 20 temporary housing zones built with the participation of Egyptian and international companies. Reconstruction efforts will take three years.

Palestinian elections within a year if conditions allow, reaffirming that Gaza is an inseparable part of Palestine.

A unified Arab stance against any attempts to displace Palestinians, with legal and international measures to protect their rights and ensure ceasefire commitments.

Hamas Welcomes Reconstruction Plan

In a statement issued on Tuesday, Hamas welcomed the extraordinary Arab summit in Cairo which “aims to address the critical threats to our Palestinian cause, in light of the ongoing Zionist aggression and the plans for extermination and displacement that our people in Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem are enduring.”

Hamas also hailed the reconstruction plan adopted by the Arab summit in its final statement, calling for the “provision of all necessary resources to ensure its success. We also commend Egypt’s efforts in preparing to host an international conference for the reconstruction of Gaza.”

The movement emphasized its commitment to support any efforts that serve the interests of the Palestinian people in “removing the consequences of the aggression and genocide targeting our people and land.”

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King Abdullah: Jordan Supports Rebuilding Gaza, Rejects Displacement

His Majesty King Abdullah II on Tuesday affirmed Jordan’s support for the plan to rebuild Gaza, which will be presented to active partners to gain international support, according to a royal court statement.

Delivering Jordan’s address at the Extraordinary Arab Summit hosted by Egypt, dubbed the ‘Palestine Summit,’ His Majesty reiterated Jordan’s total rejection of all attempts to displace Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza and annex land, in addition to condemning the Israeli decision to block humanitarian aid to Gaza.

The King stressed the importance of maintaining the ceasefire in Gaza and ensuring the implementation of all its phases, as well as stopping the dangerous escalation of the situation in the West Bank.

Following is the English translation of Jordan’s address at the Extraordinary Arab Summit and as printed in the Jordan Petra news agency:

“In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful,

Prayers and peace be upon our Prophet Mohammad,

Your Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa,

Your Excellency President Abdel Fattah Al Sisi,

Your Highnesses and Excellencies,

Peace, God’s mercy and blessings be upon you.

I would like to first express my thanks to my brother President Abdel Fattah Al Sisi for hosting this extraordinary summit during this difficult phase, which demands stepping up Arab coordination and unifying our positions, and to my brother, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa for his outstanding efforts in presiding over the ordinary session of the summit. I also thank the Secretary General of the Arab League and its staff for their efforts in organising our summit today.

My brothers,

We salute the steadfastness of the Palestinian people on their land, and renew our support for our Palestinian brethren in their efforts to gain their full legitimate rights, foremost of which is their right to freedom and an independent and sovereign state on their national soil, on the basis of the two-state solution, which is the only way to achieve just and comprehensive peace that guarantees security and stability for our region.

At this delicate stage, when the Palestinian cause is facing very serious challenges, it is imperative to work urgently together to counter any attempts to impose solutions at the expense of Palestinians and liquidate their cause.

We stress the importance of maintaining the ceasefire in Gaza and ensuring the implementation of all its phases. We also reiterate our rejection of the Israeli decision to block the entry of humanitarian aid into Gaza, which constitutes a violation of the most basic principles of international law.

Thus today, we need to prioritise four main themes:

First: Our total rejection of all attempts to displace Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, and to annex land, which is a flagrant violation of international law and international humanitarian law, and our support of the plan to rebuild Gaza, to be presented to active partners in order to gain international support.

Second: Supporting the reform efforts of the Palestinian National Authority in the interest of our Palestinian brethren, as well as preparing a clear and implementable vision for the administration of Gaza and linking it to the West Bank in order to provide all basic services and ensure the required security.

Third: The need to stop the dangerous escalation in the West Bank, which threatens the existence of Palestinians in the West Bank and is resulting in the displacement of some of them, leading to the erosion of prospects for stability and peace in the entire region. We also need to counter the violations of Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem and preserve the historical and legal status quo, especially during the holy month of Ramadan, to prevent attempts by extremists in the Israeli government to exacerbate the situation.

Jordan will persist in undertaking its historic duty to safeguard Muslim and Christian holy sites under the Hashemite Custodianship.

Fourth: Reaffirming that the two-state solution is the only way to achieve just and comprehensive peace that guarantees the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on Palestinian national soil, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The two-state solution provides a comprehensive political horizon to stabilise the region and spare its peoples further conflict.

My brothers,

Since the beginning of Israel’s unjust war on Gaza, Jordan’s position has been clear: we reject any attempt at displacement and any measure to liquidate the Palestinian cause and undermine the two-state solution.

An immediate and effective regional and international effort must be launched to address the tragedies, killings, terror and destruction caused by the war on Gaza. Efforts must focus on providing shelter, treatment, and food for the people in Gaza, and we must work to implement plans to rebuild what was destroyed by the war.

The humanitarian response in Gaza must continue. Jordan will continue to provide aid to Gaza by land and air. We also appreciate the efforts of our brothers and friends and their continued work alongside us to provide relief to Gazans.

My brothers,

The outcome of our summit must be practical steps to support our Palestinian brethren, support their steadfastness on their land, alleviate their suffering, and mobilise international efforts to stop everything that prevents the achievement of peace, which cannot be realised through military escalation, displacement of peoples, and denial of their rights.

Peace, God’s mercy and blessings be upon you.”

The Jordanian delegation at the Extraordinary Arab Summit included Prime Minister Jafar Hassan, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi, Director of the Office of His Majesty Alaa Batayneh, and Jordan’s Permanent Representative at the Arab League Amjad Adaileh.

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Jordan’s Fight Against Displacement

By Dr Amer Al Sabaileh

With the conclusion of the first meeting between President Donald Trump and His Majesty King Abdullah, Jordan finds itself facing a real political test. The strategy of buying time with an administration that has been in office for only a few weeks may not offer much room for maneuvering, making it increasingly difficult to navigate the direction of US policy. Jordan has sought to carve out a space for itself by engaging with the American president and promoting an alternative that has broader Arab support. However, this approach requires swift action and the presentation of practical alternatives that could gradually shape Trump’s perspective.

Jordan now needs to build strong alliances to manage the next phase and counter the looming threat of forced displacement of Gaza’s population—a proposal that Trump has openly suggested as the only solution. Regionally, Jordan finds itself alongside Egypt as both countries face direct pressure from the US displacement plan. This shared challenge has reinforced their cooperation on various regional issues over the years, yet expanding the Arab alliance has now become an urgent necessity. The multiple forms of US pressure on Egypt make it crucial to establish a stronger, more resilient Arab coalition, with Saudi Arabia playing a central role.

Trump views Saudi Arabia as a gateway to regional peace and a key economic partner, not only for the United States, but also for a major strategic project aimed at linking India to Europe through the Arabian Peninsula, the Mediterranean, and Italy. This highlights the importance of Saudi Arabia’s role in Trump’s vision. At the same time, Jordan’s southern geography is closely tied to Saudi Arabia within this ambitious economic corridor, which strengthens shared economic interests between the two countries. This growing economic partnership could lay the groundwork for deeper political coordination, including a potential Jordanian-Saudi understanding regarding the proposed displacement policy.

On the international level, Jordan can work to rally support for its political stance, which enjoys broad consensus among key global actors. However, at this stage, prioritising Arab alliances and maintaining effective communication channels with the US administration is far more critical than merely seeking international backing.

Domestically, Jordan’s internal front remains the most crucial. The current climate presents an opportunity for the state to reinforce national unity, as growing regional instability has heightened public awareness of external threats. This requires decisive steps to foster genuine political participation and address long-standing grievances of exclusion and marginalization. A shift in political discourse, engagement strategies, and governance methods is necessary to strengthen national cohesion. Uniting Jordanians under an inclusive and representative state framework will be vital in shaping a new phase in the country’s history.

What remains striking is how Jordan was suddenly thrust into the equation of resolving the Gaza crisis. From the outset of the war, discussions primarily centered around Egypt due to its direct geographical connection to Gaza. However, Trump’s unexpected move to involve Jordan has now exposed the country to two major risks: the potential displacement of Gaza’s population and, more alarmingly, the forced displacement of West Bank residents. The push to make Jordan part of the US plan for Gaza raises concerns that this could lead to an imposed reality in which Jordan is expected to absorb West Bank residents as well.

Categorically rejecting forced displacement must be Jordan’s top priority. However, achieving this requires a high level of political agility and the ability to engage in direct negotiations with all relevant stakeholders. This approach would strengthen Jordan’s regional role at a time when further Israeli escalation across multiple fronts, including Gaza and the West Bank, seems increasingly likely. Such an escalation could be used by the Israeli government to block political maneuvering and impose new realities on the ground. A military confrontation could shift the issue of displacement from a political debate to an unavoidable reality, forcing all parties to confront its consequences.

The author is an academic writing for The Jordan Times.

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