After 42 Years Jordanian Freed From Syria Prisons

The Jerusalemite Walid Barakat, who hails from the village of Nabi Samouil, northwest of occupied Jerusalem, was released and reunited with his family in Jordan after entering prison life in Syria as a young man at the age of 26.

Barakat said that “life was written for him several times in prison after he was close to death,” and that he learned of his life sentence after 30 years of imprisonment.

Barakat’s nephew pointed out that “his uncle arrived at the border physically exhausted after the opposition forces took him there immediately after he revealed his nationality,” adding “Walid has a large family in Jordan that will embrace him forever after years of forced absence from them.”

He added that “Walid spent 14 years in solitary confinement, and that the family did not know exactly where he was, whether he was detained in Syria, Turkey or Lebanon, until his name was listed in 1996 among the Palestinian detainees in Syrian prisons in a newspaper through the efforts made by international human rights organizations.”

He said, “the family started communicating with him through some Syrians who contact him by phone, and they told him of our news and they conveyed his news to us.”

Walid was arrested by Syrian forces at the Damascus airport on 31 October, 1982, and was subjected to solitary confinement in Tadmur prison for many years, where he experienced the worst forms of torture, before the opposition forces opened the prison doors and freed the prisoners and he immediately headed towards the border with Jordan, according to his family.

The family added that “Walid never saw sunlight during his solitary confinement, and inside the prisons he became a number that was called out like the rest of the prisoners.”

His relatives said, “the only meeting that brought him together with one of his family members was in 2005 when Hatem’s father and sister traveled to Syria and met him in Mezzeh prison in Damascus, and no one was able to visit him after that.”

On 27 November, the Syrian armed opposition factions launched their “Deterrence of Aggression” operation, starting from Idlib and Aleppo, then Hama and Homs, arriving in Damascus, which they entered at dawn last Sunday, announcing the fall of the Assad regime according to the Quds News Network.

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‘Arab Spring’ Continues Withering

By Saleem Ayoub Quna

After December 2010 when a desperate and angry Tunisian young man of the name of Mohammad Bouazizi, dramatically immolated himself, an unprecedented wave of mass protests against incumbent totalitarian regimes swept five Arab capitals: Tunisia, Cairo, Tripoli, Yemen and Damascus.

The simultaneous civic uprising in these countries was deceitfully baptized as the “Arab Spring”, which initially won the hearts of millions of Arabs. But it did not take long before the average Arab citizen started realizing that it was one thing to get rid of a dictator or topple a regime, and completely another thing to have a plan for the day after!

It was the same course of events in the five capitals except for Tunisia: Street demonstrations, clashes with police, havoc and death, under the watchful eyes of disguised outside interference and finally a forced humiliating departure, imprisonment or execution of the incumbent ruler and his entourage.

In Tunisia, the military sat on the fence! Consequently, the violence and loss of life was minimal there, while in the other four countries the toll was higher and kept rising until the end.

The last leg of the fake “Arab Spring” was Syria, where the clashes between the forces of the regime and the opposition groups, mostly of Islamic orientation, dragged on and gradually turned into open urban warfare.

Syria’s distorted model of the “Arab Spring” took nearly 14 years, simply because the regime, at a certain crucial turning point in 2015, resorted to outside direct support, namely from Russia, Iran and Hezbollah.

Opposition groups in Syria and their sympathizers never forgot or forgave the brutal crackdown they were subjected to in the city of Hama back in 1982 by the Hafez Al-Assad’s regime.

Of course Russian, Iranian and Hezbollah’s response to help Assad’s regime in 2015, was not an act of charity. Each party had their own agenda and motivations; Iran sought to ascertain its regional clout, while continuing to arm Hezbollah in Lebanon through Syria and Iraq; Russia wanted to strengthen its foothold in Syria in a move to counter balance American encroaching measures in northern-eastern Syria, the oil rich land, where the latter supported the local Kurdish population.

Hezbollah was paying back the debt for the Syrian regime that facilitated the transfer of Iranian military hardware.

Today, Syrians are celebrating the end of the 53rd year of the rule of the Assad dynasty, except, maybe by a handful of them. As the saying goes: Loss and defeat are born orphans; victory and success gets many adopters!

The Syrian groups who took over from the previous regime are multiple in number and diverse in outlook; like an art work of a mosaic, from a distance, it looks picturesque and colorful, but from within and in detail, it clearly lacks coherence and chemistry.

As things stand now in Syria and its surroundings, there is not much room for optimism, despite the big change! Many outside players are gossiping about the future of this beleaguered country in ways that reveal that what they are doing is more than gossiping. They are working on concrete ideas and plans for the day after in Syria while, during the coffee breaks, they watch those who are dancing and chanting in the squares and streets of Damascus!

This opinion was especially written for Crossfire Arabia by Saleem Ayoub Quna who is a Jordanian author writing on local, regional and international affairs and has two books published. He has a BA in English Literature from Jordan University, a diploma from Paris and an MA from Johns Hopkins University in Washington. He also has working knowledge of French and German.

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Entering The Baath Torture Chambers

During the rule of the collapsed Baath regime in Syria, thousands were subjected to torture in dozens of centers beyond Sednaya prison.

Since the uprising began in March 2011, the fallen Baath regime reportedly tortured and killed thousands. However, it is feared that the undocumented numbers reach tens of thousands.

According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), regime forces detained at least 1.2 million Syrians during the civil war and subjected them to various torture methods.

Although the regime announced over 20 so-called amnesty decisions during the war, international human rights organizations state that the regime continued detaining Syrians.

Numerous reports from international organizations emphasize that detainees were killed through torture.

Anadolu compiled details of torture centers and methods under the collapsed Baath regime, which ruled Syria for 61 years.

According to an exclusive SNHR report for Anadolu, the regime’s torture centers were categorized as civilian prisons, military prisons, secret unofficial detention centers, and security unit interrogation centers.

There were more than 50 such centers across almost all provinces in the country.

Prisons under Interior Ministry

In cities taken over by groups that toppled the Baath regime, their first action was to rescue detainees, most of whom were opposition members.

Prisoners were freed from major prisons, including Aleppo Central Prison, Hama Central Prison, Adra Central Prison in Damascus, Homs Central Prison, and Suwayda Central Prison.

Prisoners in the central prisons of Tartus and Latakia, however, are still awaiting release.

Centers of crime

Tens of thousands of people were tortured for years in military prisons under the Defense Ministry.

Among these, Sednaya, Mezzeh, and Qaboun in Damascus, and Al-Balloon and Tadmur in Homs, stood out as centers of severe torture. Many detainees held there were never heard from again.

After armed groups brought down the regime, prisoners in Mezzeh and Kabun were also freed.

Mezzeh prison, located at the military airport in Damascus’s Mezze district, was managed by military intelligence units under the Defense Ministry.

Secret and unofficial detention centers

There were also centers where the regime detained its opponents, but these centers were practically secret.

According to SNHR and other human rights organizations, the purpose of establishing these secret detention centers was to carry out even more severe torture. Those who ended up in these torture dens had no chance of survival.

These facilities operated under the Fourth Division, commanded by Assad’s brother, Maher Assad.

In early 2012, the regime also turned houses, villas, and stadiums into detention centers. One such facility was Deir Shmeil Camp in northwestern Hama.

Detention, torture centers

Security units tied to the regime also played an active role in operating interrogation and detention centers.

The security apparatus consisted of four main intelligence services: the Military Intelligence Service (known as “military security”), the Political Security Service, the General Intelligence Directorate (known as “state security”), and the Air Intelligence Directorate.

The Military Intelligence Service, with the largest network in the country, had at least 20 branches.

The Political Security Service maintained branches in most provinces, while the General Intelligence Directorate operated six main headquarters in Damascus.

The Air Intelligence Directorate ranked second in detentions after the Military Intelligence Service. With branches in nearly every province, the directorate was particularly active in areas with military airports.

These units were placed under the Syrian National Security Bureau, established in 2012. The Military Intelligence Service, under the Defense Ministry, functioned as the primary body responsible for detentions.

Those detained in these branches were typically transferred to main centers in Damascus after several days, where they could be held for years.

Across the country, security units operated more than 45 detention branches, with 18 of them located in Damascus.

Regime used 72 different torture methods

According to the SNHR report, the Baath regime employed 72 torture methods involving physical, psychological, and sexual violence.

The regime also subjected detainees to forced labor and solitary confinement, violating basic human rights.

Physical torture included pouring boiling water on victims’ bodies, simulating drowning by submerging heads in water, electrocuting individuals with electric batons, and placing them naked on electrified metal chairs. Other inhumane practices involved melting plastic bags onto bodies, extinguishing cigarettes on skin, and burning fingers, hair, and ears with lighters.

The regime also used brutal methods such as pulling out fingernails with pliers, tearing out hair, amputating body parts—including ears and genitalia—with sharp tools, and driving nails into sensitive areas like hands, tongues, and noses.

Spotlight on Sednaya prison

Sednaya prison, where tens of thousands are believed to be held, has the worst reputation of all.

After protests in March 2011, Sednaya became a center of torture, holding tens of thousands of political detainees.

Following the collapse of the 61-year-old Baath regime on 8 December, 2024, attention turned to the situation of prisoners in Sednaya.

Some detainees reportedly appeared on security cameras but could not be found in accessible areas, raising the possibility that they may be in secret compartments underground.

As teams continue to dig tunnels and break down walls, Syrians who have not heard from loved ones for years are flocking to the prison, searching for traces of their relatives.

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350 Israeli Warplanes Hit Syrian Targets

The Israeli occupation army announced, Tuesday, it destroyed about 70%-80% of the capabilities of the Syrian army.

Its stated that about 350 Israeli Air Force fighter jets participated in the aggression, attacking around 320 targets throughout Syria.

It added that “…warplanes and helicopters, radars, surface-to-air missile batteries, ships, surface-to-surface missiles, rocket shells, weapons production sites, weapons warehouses, Scud missiles, cruise missiles, sea-to-sea missiles, drones, and others were destroyed.”

In parallel, the aggression continues on land, through operations carried out by the ground forces in the “buffer zone” in the occupied Syrian Golan, so that the Israeli army is working to “establish a presence in the area and destroy weapons.”

On the political level, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said that “Israel will respond forcefully if the new regime in Syria allows Iran to return, or allows weapons to pass to Hezbollah, and will exact a heavy price from it,” but adding it “wants to establish relations with this new regime.”

However, he stressed “what happened to the previous regime in Syria will happen to this regime as well, if it allows weapons to pass to Hezbollah.”

Earlier, the Israeli army radio described the latest aggression on Syria, following the fall of the President Bashar al-Assad regime, as “one of the largest attacks since the establishment of Israel.”

Israeli Defense Minister Yisrael Katz confirmed the occupation’s decision to continue controlling strategic points in Syria, establish a security buffer zone, and target strategic weapons and air defense systems, and any attempts to transfer weapons to Lebanon.

The Israeli Channel 12 confirmed that the air force is operating on a very large scale throughout Syria with the aim of destroying what remains of the Syrian army and all its equipment, “from tanks to missiles,” according to the Kan official channel.

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Syria: 10 Days That Shook The World

Dr Khairi Janbek

Without much ado, the western media is currently preoccupied with this question: Are the Syrian rebels Jihadis? This is while the Arab media appears to be in a state of euphoria about the Syrian rebels seen as liberators. The issue however is about two perspectives, the first being cautious about the next phase for the country, and this is for understandable reasons, while the second reflects optimism for the next stage and also for understandable reasons.

Now, the fear of dividing Syria on ethnic and sectarian grounds has its blueprint in the colonial history of Syria and certainly not a product of today and/or creative chaos utterances.

Looking back

In fact, on 1 July, 1922, the French colonial authorities divided Syria into federal statelets: statelet of Damascus, statelet of Aleppo, statelet of the Alawites, and the statelet of the Druze. Of course, the idea was that the country would be easier to rule and a regional and a sectarian balance would guarantee political stability. Of course, the Kurds were outside this formula as they were struggling to create an independent state of their own.

But what about Syria now, to paraphrase John Reed, after the 10 days that shook the world. Indeed, the two regional police stations in the region, Turkey and Israel seems to be gaining major influence in the current affairs, while the third police station, Iran, has lost out in this formula.

Rivalry

For all intents and purposes, no one is naive enough to think that the march towards Damascus could have occurred without Turkish support, and the Israeli foreign minister has confirmed that talks were held between his government and the Druze as well as the Kurds of Syria, whom he described as having good relations with them.

But what about the Russians? One would venture to say that they are like to stay in Syria as most probably, paying guests of the new Syrian government, renting their military installations from them.

Undoubtedly, no matter how much we can be optimistic about the future of all-inclusive democratic Syria, we will always reluctantly fall back on our cognitive dissonance regarding the case of Iraq, and make the mistake of comparison with the post-Saddam era of terrorism, sectarianism an ethnic strife.

This is simply because, we forget that in Iraq there was superpower which brought down the regime and destroyed all the functioning institutions of the country favoring when religious Islamic sect over another, and supporting one ethnicity against others. While in Syria, its the Syrians themselves brought down the Ba’ath regime.

On the face of it, the rebels don’t seem to want to be the new masters of Syria and they are working very hard to protect and preserve the functioning institutions of the country, and claim their adherence to pluralism and for an all inclusive new regime.

But two important questions remain outstanding, and only time will tell how these will unfold: To what extent will there be Turkish and Israeli influence on the emerging regime, and more importantly, what would be the share of those two police stations of the country?

In other words, how will Turkey perceive the future of the Kurds in Syria, and where does Israel see its border posts with the “new” Syria?

In all likelihood, the rebels will keep their word of wanting a stable pluralist Syria, but let us not forget also, that a future spark of ethnic, regional or sectarian conflict, will very likely turn all into extremists in the country.

Dr Khairi Janbek is Jordanian commentator based in Paris.

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