Israel’s War on Palestine

Israel’s intensification of its military assault against the northern West Bank and its forced displacement of its Palestinian communities marks a dangerous grave violence and human rights violations.

The Israeli army has been conducting the military operation “Iron Wall” in the northern occupied West Bank since January 21, killing until date more than 56 Palestinians and displacing thousands.

The assault came amid rising tensions in the occupied West Bank, where at least 917 Palestinians have been killed and nearly 7,000 others injured in attacks by the Israeli army and illegal settlers since the start of the Gaza war on October 7, 2023, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry.

Since the start of the operation several refugee camps have been nearly emptied of their residents, the largest displacement in the occupied territory since the 1967 Mideast war.

Starting in Jenin Camp, the operation has expanded to Tulkarm, Nur Shams, and El Far’a refugee camps witnessing a comprehensive, Israeli -driven war of destruction that led to the forcible displacement of more than 40,000 Palestinian refugees. 

Repeated and destructive operations have rendered the northern refugee camps uninhabitable, trapping residents in cyclical displacement. However, in 2024, more than 60 per cent of displacement was a result of Israeli Forces operations, an increasingly dangerous and coercive environment absent any judicial orders. 

Daily reports from displaced residents described a pattern where they were led out of their homes by Israeli security forces and drones under the threat of violence.

They were then forced out of their towns with snipers positioned on rooftops around them and houses in their neighborhoods used as posts by Israeli security forces according to the UN Human Rights Office.

“Leave this place and forget the camp. You will never return. Move now before we destroy it completely,” the Israeli security forces threatened the residents.

Other eyewitness testimonies also recounted similar statements by Israeli security force members who reportedly told displaced residents to “forget” and “say goodbye” to their homes, stressing they would not be allowed to return.

One resident reported being told to “go to Jordan.”

Besides, Jenin refugee camp roads were bulldozed recently with new signs apparently giving several streets Hebrew names, UN Human Rights Office said.

This is happening while statements by Israeli officials persist in communicating open plans to annex the region, empty it of Palestinians, and expel them out of the occupied Palestinian territory.

The use of air strikes, armored bulldozers, controlled detonations, and advanced weaponry by the Israeli Forces has become routine, militarised approach that is inconsistent with the law enforcement context of the Occupied West Bank, where there have been at least 38 airstrikes in 2025 alone.

Moreover, on February 19, the Israeli army has prevented thousands of displaced Palestinians from returning to their homes in the Jenin refugee camp and the

Camp stands empty today, evoking memories of the second intifada.

This scene stands to be repeated in other camps. 

On the other hand, accompanied by soldiers, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu entered a Palestinian home in the Tulkarem refugee camp in the northern West Bank on February 21, announcing a new military operation in the occupied West Bank.

“We are destroying entire streets, eliminating militants, and I have instructed reinforcements in the West Bank along with additional military operations,” Netanyahu said in a recorded statement from Tulkarem, released by his office.

Earlier on the same day, the Israeli army announced the deployment of three additional battalions to the occupied West Bank following Netanyahu’s directive for a “strong operation.”

All this is a part of a plan to uproot Palestinian refugee camps, similar to the events that took place in Gaza and reminiscent of the 1948 Nakba.

This lines up with Israel’s vision of a war declared since a long time on the UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees which has reached the climax during the war on Gaza.

Under the Knesset laws implemented on January 30, UNRWA no longer has any contact with the Israeli authorities, making it impossible to raise concerns about civilian suffering or the urgent need for the delivery of humanitarian assistance which puts at grave risk the lives of Palestine Refugees and the UNRWA staff that serve them too.

UNRWA reiterates that civilians and civilian infrastructure must be protected at all times and that collective punishment is never acceptable.

There are about 912,879 registered Palestinian refugees in the occupied West Bank, around a quarter of whom live in 19 refugee camps mostly densely populated camps, located next to major towns and others are in rural areas, according to UNRWA.

Israel views these camps as incubators of armed Palestinian struggle, as it seeks to eradicate the refugee issue and the right of return.

Any forcible transfer in or deportation of people from occupied territory is strictly prohibited and amounts to a crime under international law.

Rather than abide by these rules, Israel has openly defied international law time and again, inflicting maximum suffering on civilians in the occupied Palestinian territory and beyond.

Displaced Palestinians must be allowed to return to their homes and Israel must comply with its obligations under international law, which include ending its unlawful presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory as rapidly as possible and evacuate all occupied West Bank settlements.

In the meantime, as the occupying power, Israel must ensure the protection of Palestinians, the supply of their basic needs, and the respect of their full range of human rights.

Najla M. Shahwan is a Palestinian author, researcher and freelance journalist. Author of thirteen books in literature and a children story collection. Chairwoman of the Palestinian Center for Children’s Literature (PCCL). Founder of Jana Woman Cultural Magazine. Recipient of two prizes from the Palestinian Union of Writers.

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UN Appeals to Israel on UNRWA

Ben Saul, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion of Human Rights and Counterterrorism, appealed to Israel to repeal two laws preventing the UN agency for Palestinian refugees from “fulfilling its international mandate to provide humanitarian relief and essential services.”

Saul joined 25 independent UN experts in their initiative, “Peace Starts Here,” stating in a report that “certain provisions in these laws” – which came into effect at the end of last month – may violate international law.

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Israel Displaces 40,000 West Bank Palestinians

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) confirmed that more than 40,000 Palestinians were ethnically cleansed and forcibly expelled from their homes in the occupied West Bank due to the ongoing Israeli onslaught.

Philippe Lazzarini, Commissioner-General of UNRWA, highlighted at the Munich Security Conference 2025 that the agency’s financial situation is dire, with no clear outlook for the future.

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Israel Displaces 40,000 Palestinians in West Bank

The forced displacement of Palestinian communities in the northern West Bank is escalating at an alarming pace. 

Since the start of operation “Iron Wall” by the Israeli Forces on 21 January, several refugee camps have been nearly emptied of their residents. The operation, ongoing for nearly three weeks, is now the single longest in the West Bank since the second intifada. 

Starting in Jenin Camp, the operation has expanded to Tulkarm, Nur Shams, and El Far’a refugee camps and led to the displacement of 40,000 Palestine Refugees. 

The Israeli Forces began carrying out large-scale operations in the occupied West Bank in mid-2023. Since then, thousands of families have been forcibly displaced.  Repeated and destructive operations have rendered the northern refugee camps uninhabitable, trapping residents in cyclical displacement. In 2024, more than 60 per cent of displacement was a result of Israeli Forces operations, absent any judicial orders. 

Forced displacement in the occupied West Bank is the result of an increasingly dangerous and coercive environment. The use of air strikes, armoured bulldozers, controlled detonations, and advanced weaponry by the Israeli Forces has become commonplace – a spillover of the war in Gaza. Such militarised approaches are inconsistent with the law enforcement context of the occupied West Bank, where there have been at least 38 airstrikes in 2025 alone. 

Palestinian armed groups are also increasingly active in the northern West Bank, deploying improvised explosive devices inside refugee camps, including near UNRWA facilities and civilian infrastructure. They have engaged in violent clashes with both Israeli and Palestinian Forces. From December 2024 onwards, Palestinian Forces operations further exacerbated displacement from Jenin camp. 

UNRWA reiterates that civilians and civilian infrastructure must be protected at all times and that collective punishment is never acceptable.

Jenin Camp stands empty today, evoking memories of the second intifada. This scene stands to be repeated in other camps.  Under the Knesset laws implemented on 30 January, UNRWA no longer has any contact with the Israeli authorities, making it impossible to raise concerns about civilian suffering or the urgent need for the delivery of humanitarian assistance. This puts at grave risk the lives of Palestine Refugees and the UNRWA staff that serve them.

UNRWA

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Trump, Gaza and The New Political Ploy


Dr Sami Al-Arian

The infamous 19th-century imperialist and racial supremacist, Cecil Rhodes, once remarked: “It is our duty to seize every opportunity to acquire more territory and we should keep this one idea steadily before our eyes that more territory simply means more of the Anglo-Saxon race.” He then added: “Just fancy those parts that are at present inhabited by the most despicable specimens of human beings, what an alteration there would be if they were brought under Anglo-Saxon influence.”

More than a century later, US President Donald Trump expressed similar attitudes during his meeting on Feb. 4, with the Israeli prime minister and indicted war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu, when he said: “We will take over the Gaza Strip, will own it long-term and will redevelop it … I do see a long-term ownership position.” In a settler-colonialist spirit, Trump callously continued, “I don’t think people should be going back to Gaza. I think that Gaza is not a place for people to be living.” He neglected to mention, of course, the exception for Jewish settlers in prime real estate along the Gaza beach. He then added, “They’re living in hell,” without any hint of irony, considering the 15-month US-sponsored genocide, supported by funds, bombs, and diplomatic protection.

Strategic agenda and regional dynamics

There were many items on the agenda between Trump and Netanyahu, including Iran’s nuclear program, the future of Gaza and the West Bank, and normalization with Saudi Arabia.

To be sure, Trump was not an unknown quantity. In his first term, he demonstrated total hostility towards the Palestinians and embraced the most radical positions espoused by extremist Zionists. These included recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and relocating the US Embassy there, the annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights (occupied by Israel since 1967), the closure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) office in Washington, DC, ending all humanitarian aid to the Palestinians through the UN refugee agency (UNRWA) or US agencies, and integrating Israel within US Central Command (CENTCOM), the US military command responsible for a region stretching from Egypt to Afghanistan.

Furthermore, throughout his presidency Trump completely disregarded the so-called two-state solution — a long-touted US goal — in favor of Netanyahu’s approach of normalizing relations with Washington’s Arab client regimes while pursuing an aggressive settlement expansion policy intended to establish a de facto Greater Israel. In effect, it appears that “Trump 2.0” is trying, in his own way, to fulfill his promises of securing a greater Israel for his right-wing Zionist donors [1], benefactors [2] and appointees [3]. The proposal to forcefully remove over 2 million Palestinians from Gaza does not appear serious or achievable, since the Palestinians will never cooperate in their own displacement, nor would neighboring countries be willing to support a dangerous plan that would destabilize the region. In the past, Trump proposed similar hyperbolic ideas that failed to materialize, including his calls [4] for constructing a Riviera on the beaches of North Korea.

Netanyahu came to the White House with several objectives in mind. He sought Trump’s support to continue his war of extermination in Gaza after freeing many Israeli captives at the end of the first stage of the ceasefire deal. His political allies pressured him to resume the war in order to achieve his elusive objective of dislodging Hamas and eradicating the resistance — an aim he has not accomplished during the 15-month onslaught. It would appear that Trump wants to achieve this goal using political means through his outrageous proposal rather than through military pressure. If that is the case, this would be Trump’s way of handing Netanyahu the fig leaf he needs to silence his hard right critics and conclude the second stage of the ceasefire deal.

On Iran, Trump has doubled down on his policy of applying extreme pressure through economic sanctions in order to get the Iranians to negotiate a deal on their nuclear program. In return, the Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has called [5] for “maximum wisdom” to be applied to relations between Washington and Tehran, instead of the “maximum pressure” policy Trump has espoused. Since these are the early stages of diplomatic maneuverings, it’s very doubtful that Netanyahu received a green light from Trump to use military strikes against Iran in the near term.

On the West Bank, the Zionist regime has been escalating its aggressive settlement policy as well as its unprecedented attacks on several Palestinian cities, particularly against refugee camps in Jenin, Nablus, Tobas and Tulkarem.

Towards a Saudi-Israeli accord and its fallout

In the past, Trump and many of his administration officials, such as the new US ambassador to the Zionist regime, Mike Huckabee, have endorsed the expansion of Israeli settlements and the calls for annexing large parts of the West Bank. But backing such a policy now will certainly impede the central piece of Trump’s main objective in the region, which is to conclude a normalization deal with Saudi Arabia. To negotiate a deal with the Saudis, Trump must rein in Netanyahu and his extremist allies by promising them what they desire most: a Gaza free not only of Hamas’ rule but also of Palestinians, as well as the annexation of a large part of the West Bank, in exchange for a normalization deal with the Saudis and possibly beyond.

The Israelis certainly know that they will not get the Palestinians to leave voluntarily when they could not compel them to do that through their genocidal war. They recognize that they cannot unilaterally annex parts of the West Bank before the normalization deal with the Saudis is concluded. They also know that Trump has a very long agenda, both domestically and internationally, particularly with regard to the Ukraine war and China, and will not allow a devastating war with Iran to disrupt his agenda. Once the fog of the visit clears, it will become apparent that Trump’s primary policy in the Middle East is to cement a Saudi-Israeli agreement, one that cannot be finalized without putting a hold on other contentious issues such as a military escalation with Iran, West Bank annexation, or the resumption of the Gaza genocide. But that does not mean that the Zionist regime and its supporters within the Trump administration will not push hard to achieve all their objectives in Gaza, the West Bank and against Iran. Regardless, the Palestinians and their supporters worldwide must be vigilant to resist and defeat all their nefarious plans, particularly in Gaza, the West Bank, as well as any plans to integrate a genocidal regime in the region.

People across the Middle East have witnessed the true colors of the Zionist regime. Achieving a normalization deal with the Saudis or any other party would require nothing less than the total erasure of their collective memory. It would appear that the main lesson of the Oct. 7 attacks has not been learned. They took place at a time when regional and international actors had all but buried the Palestinian cause and ignored the plight of the Palestinians in pursuit of their own interests. Not only will none of the policies advanced by Trump address these issues, but they will exacerbate them. And thus, like his forgotten deal of the century, these policies are doomed to fail.

[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/25/us/politics/miriam-adelson-trump-israel.html

[2] https://www.thejc.com/news/usa/from-jared-kushner-to-miriam-adelson-meet-the-jewish-figures-in-trumps-inner-circle-sllz2ky1

[3] https://www.palestinechronicle.com/from-stefanik-to-hucabee-donald-trumps-cabinet-is-a-pro-israel-swamp/

[4] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P-iTikGb-CY

[5] https://www.thenationalnews.com/news/mena/2025/02/06/irans-foreign-minister-calls-for-maximum-wisdom-in-response-to-trumps-maximum-pressure-tehran-policy/

Dr Sami Al Arian is public affairs professor and the director of the Center for Islam and Global Affairs at Sabahattin Zaim University in Istanbul.

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