The Mass Graves of Gaza

 Thousands of families continue to bury their children in random mass graves, a phenomenon brought on by over 11 months of systematic killings of Palestinians by Israel in every Gaza Strip governorate. The situation is worsening as a result of the Israeli occupation army’s constant targeting of people who attempt to enter these makeshift cemeteries to bury their loved ones.

Euro-Med Monitor has released an infographic design that shows the locations and dates of approximately 30 randomly established mass graves in the northern, central, and southern governorates of Gaza, containing roughly 3,000 dead victims of Israel’s genocide in the enclave. The infographic also depicts 120 random mass graves in which three or more people are buried, and which were established in the Gaza Strip between now and last October.

Random graves

Since many random graves are found inside houses and other private spaces and some are periodically moved to new locations, the majority of them are still unrecorded. Thus, the number and location of these graves remain constantly changing. Furthermore, the Israeli occupation army is continuously bulldozing both makeshift cemeteries and official graves, disfiguring the victims’ bodies, and even stealing some of them, in grave violation of international law.  

Al-Batsh Cemetery, located in Gaza City’s eastern Al-Tuffah neighbourhood, is the largest documented mass grave in the Gaza Strip. Between 500 and 1,000 people have been buried there since the cemetery’s founding on 22 October 2023, just two weeks after Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza began.

Euro-Med Monitor field teams have been documenting the mass and random graves across the enclave since the establishment of the first mass grave in Al-Shifa Medical Complex on 15 October 2023, when it became impossible to transfer the dead victims to the official cemetery in Gaza City due to the large number of corpses and the danger presented by Israeli forces. Over time, more of these mass graves have been created, one after another, eventually totaling at least 120.

backyards, courtyards

These graves have been established throughout residential areas, in the backyards and courtyards of homes and hospitals, public road intersections, wedding halls, sports fields, schools, and mosques.

“Random mass graves have become something of a phenomenon in Gaza,” according to a Euro-Med Monitor field researcher in Gaza City whose name is being withheld due to safety concerns. “They are seen on the roads, in traffic islands, [and] near markets and residential buildings at random.”

Added the researcher: “Residents resort to using various tools as tombstones to write the names of the victims on—instead of cement and stone—including plastic food trays, plastic barrels or gallon jugs, wood or cardboard, and other household items.”

Families are forced to create these random graves due to the difficulty of accessing the main graves as a result of the continuous Israeli bombing and targeting of individuals, in addition to Israel’s division of the Gaza Strip’s governorates and destruction of infrastructure; imposition of the blockade; scarcity of fuel and means of transportation; and the fact that the main graves are already filled with corpses due to the large and ever-increasing number of victims.

Some of the officially documented mass graves contain the remains of yet-to-be identified people, buried months ago during the ongoing genocide.

Euro-Med Monitor teams have documented 29 random mass graves in the various governorates of the Gaza Strip. These include:

North Gaza Governorate:

1. A mass grave in Al-Awda Market next to the Jabalia refugee camp police station, established on 5 December 2023, containing about 120 bodies.

2. A mass grave next to the Indonesian Hospital in the Tel al-Zaatar neighbourhood, north of Jabalia Camp, established on 18 November 2023, containing about 200 bodies.

3. A mass grave in the Jabalia Camp market, established on 7 December 2023, containing about 100 bodies.

4. A mass grave in the backyard of Jabalia Preparatory School (A), in Jabalia Camp, established on 28 December 2023, containing more than 55 bodies.

5. A mass grave in Al-Rifai School, opposite Al-Omari Registry in Jabalia Al-Balad, containing more than 70 bodies.

6. A mass grave in Halima Al-Sadia School, south of Jabalia Al-Nazla, containing more than 250 bodies, some of whom are still unidentified.

7. A mass grave in Al-Yaman Hospital in Jabalia Camp, established on 11 December 2023, containing about 44 bodies.

8. A mass grave built on a traffic island along Sultan Street in Block (2) in Jabalia, established in November 2023.

Gaza City Governorate:

9. A mass grave in the courtyard of Al-Shifa Medical Complex, established on 12-14 November 2023, containing approximately 179 bodies.

10. Al-Sabra Cemetery (1), established on 25 November 2023, containing more than 100 bodies.

11. Al-Istiqlal Street Cemetery (Al-Qaws) near the Al-Sha’biya intersection in Al-Daraj neighbourhood, containing more than 200 bodies.

12. Al-Sabra Cemetery (2), near Al-Dahshan Street, established on 31 December 2023.

13. Al-Batsh Cemetery in Gaza City’s eastern Al-Tuffah neighbourhood, established on 22 October 2023, containing between 500–1,000 bodies.

14. A mass grave in Al-Sahaba Street, near Ezzedine Al-Qassam Mosque in the central Gaza City neighbourhood of Al-Daraj, established in December 2023 and containing 150 bodies.

15. A mass grave in Al-Sidra Street in the central Gaza City neighbourhood of Al-Daraj, established in December 2023 and containing about 20 bodies.

16. Shahibar Cemetery in Al-Sabra neighbourhood, established on 18 November 2023 and containing about 100–120 bodies.

17. Ishtiwi Cemetery in Al-Zeitoun neighbourhood, established on 21 November 2023 and containing about 15 bodies.

18. A mass grave near Al-Shawa Square, east of Gaza City.

Deir al-Balah Governorate (central Gaza Strip):

19. A mass grave in UNRWA school in al-Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, established on 14-15 January 2024.

20. A mass grave in a girls’ preparatory school in al-Maghazi refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, established on 9 January 2024, containing approximately 14 bodies.

Khan Yunis Governorate (southern Gaza Strip):

21. A mass grave in western Khan Yunis, established on 22 November 2023, containing approximately 111 bodies.

22. A mass grave in Abdul Karim Al-Karmi School in the town of Abasan Al-Kabira, in the east of Khan Yunis, established on 14 January 2024, containing approximately 9 bodies.

23. Three mass graves in Nasser Hospital, established in January 2023, containing approximately 392 bodies.

24. A mass grave in Al-Amal Hospital, established on 29 January 2024, containing approximately 4 bodies.

25. A mass grave at Al-Aqsa University, established on 22 January 2024.

26. A mass grave at the UNRWA Industrial College, in the west of Khan Yunis, established on 23 January 2024, containing approximately 14 bodies.

27. Al-Agha Cemetery, established by the Al-Agha family on their land after the Israeli army destroyed the family’s main cemetery in the Austrian neighbourhood, west of Khan Yunis city, established on 22 January 2024.

Rafah Governorate (southern Gaza Strip):

28. A mass grave in the Tel al-Sultan neighbourhood, in the west of Rafah, established in December 2023, containing approximately 80 bodies.

Israel’s ongoing military attacks and direct targeting of Palestinian civilians by shelling, sniping, or shooting from quadcopter drones continue to prevent families from reaching regular cemeteries in which to bury their relatives in a dignified manner that respects human dignity, and make the process of counting, registering, and identifying all of the victims impossible.

Since most of the victims have not died from epidemics or infectious diseases, the accumulation of dead bodies or their improper burial does not present a serious health risk to the public. However, if the remains of these bodies—including feces—leak into residents’ drinking and use water sources, this may result in a variety of intestinal diseases among the living.

Israeli attacks on cemeteries

Since the start of Israel’s genocide in the Gaza Strip, Euro-Med Monitor teams have documented numerous Israeli attacks on dozens of cemeteries through deliberate shelling and targeting, exhuming and vandalising graves, and stealing dozens of corpses. These attacks have pushed residents to create new random cemeteries and transfer the bodies of their relatives there.

Israel’s imposition of inhumane conditions on Gaza Strip residents constitutes a serious violation of the provisions of international humanitarian law (IHL). IHL guarantees respect for the dignity of the dead and the proper treatment of corpses, especially the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which stipulates in Article 17 that conflicting parties must “take the necessary measures to ensure that the dead are buried in a dignified manner and that their honour is protected”.

The World Health Organisation and the International Committee of the Red Cross must play their role in ensuring the dignity of the bodies buried in dozens of mass graves in Gaza, and ensure their burial in accordance with international standards.

In addition to applying pressure from abroad on Israel to immediately end its genocide against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip, the international community must compel Israel to follow international law, which stipulates that bodies must be respected and protected during armed conflicts. It also requires Israel to take all reasonable steps to prevent the dead and deceased from having their bodies mutilated, and to ensure that they are buried properly.

EuroMed Human Rights Monitor

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Saudi Arabia Plays Host to Superpower Politics

By Maksym Skrypchenko 

Diplomatic efforts to end the Russia-Ukraine War are once again in the spotlight, as US and Russian officials meet in Saudi Arabia on Tuesday. In a sharp contrast to the previous administration’s strictly defined red-line policy, representatives from the newly formed US President Donald Trump-aligned diplomatic team—Secretary of State Marco Rubio, National Security Advisor Mike Waltz, and Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff—are set to engage with their Russian counterparts in discussions that many fear may sideline Ukraine’s own interests.

The stakes in this conflict extend far beyond territorial disputes. For Ukraine, the war is an existential struggle against an enemy with centuries of imperial ambition. Every defensive maneuver is a stand for sovereignty and self-determination. Yet recent diplomatic moves suggest that Ukraine’s central role in negotiations may be diminished. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s absence from the Saudi meeting underscores the deep-seated concern in Kyiv that their security concerns might be marginalized in a process dominated by transactional interests.

https://twitter.com/canon75gaz81/status/1891836717696450562

Under the previous administration, Washington’s policy was driven by a clear set of red lines designed to deter any actions that could provoke a nuclear-armed adversary. That approach was predicated on a belief that excessive support for Ukraine might lead to a dangerous escalation. However, the new strategy, as signaled by Trump’s team, appears less encumbered by these constraints. Instead, the focus seems to have shifted toward a pragmatic resolution—a process that prioritizes ending the war at the expense of Ukraine’s moral imperatives underpinning their fight for survival. This shift represents not only a departure in tone but also in substance. While the previous policy imposed strict limitations to avoid provoking Moscow, the current approach appears more willing to concede Ukraine’s positions if it serves the broader goal of ending the fighting.

Trump’s affiliation with Saudis


The decision to hold talks in Saudi Arabia is far from arbitrary. The Saudi Kingdom provides a neutral venue and a longstanding trusted mediator especially for figures like Steve Witkoff and Donald Trump, whose longstanding business and diplomatic ties in the region are well known. This credibility is further reinforced by Saudi Arabia’s recent announcement of a $600 billion package with the US, comprising investments and procurement agreements from both public and private sectors.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia’s position outside NATO shields it from the obligations that compel Western allies to enforce international legal mandates, including the ICC arrest warrants issued against top Russian officials, notably Putin. In such an environment, Saudi Arabia offers a secure venue for direct negotiations with Moscow, free from the pressures of external legal mandates.

Meanwhile, high-ranking European officials express growing concern over their exclusion from the process. UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has even suggested the possibility of deploying British troops to enforce any resulting peace deal, a move that underscores the importance European leaders give to Ukraine’s future. The concerns are not merely about the cessation of hostilities, but about the long-term security guarantees that Ukraine desperately needs. European officials argue that a peace process that excludes Kyiv from the initial stages could lead to an agreement lacking the robust assurances necessary to prevent future Russian aggression.

Russian approach

Russia, for its part, is approaching the negotiations with its signature long-game strategy. Recent reports suggest that Kremlin officials are assembling a team of seasoned negotiators well-versed in securing maximum advantage. Their method is well known—ask for a shopping mall when all they need is a cup of coffee. Just one day before the talks, Russian diplomats are already staging a narrative of victory, asserting that the EU and the UK are entirely non-negotiable parties to any future agreements on Ukraine. According to the Russian representative at the UN, Ukraine has irretrievably lost key territories, and any new arrangement should force Kyiv into accepting a demilitarized, neutral state determined by future elections. This approach is designed to create the illusion of strength while ultimately settling for concessions that heavily favor Russian interests.

Meanwhile, for Ukraine, the principle that “nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine” is more than just a slogan—it is a critical security principle. Ukrainian leaders are rightfully wary of any agreement negotiated without their active participation. With the current US strategy favoring swift and transactional outcomes rather than comprehensive negotiations, there is a real danger that Kyiv’s position could be compromised. The absence of Ukraine from these early discussions may result in a peace agreement that fails to address the existential risks the nation faces. Without strong security guarantees built into any deal, Ukraine remains vulnerable to renewed incursions and a potential destabilization of the entire region.

In this evolving diplomatic landscape, the contrast between the old and new approaches is stark. The previous risk-averse strategy sought to maintain clear boundaries to prevent escalation, whereas the current approach appears more willing to blur those lines in the hope of bringing an end to the bloodshed. Yet by doing so, there is an inherent risk: the very nation fighting for its survival might be reduced to a bargaining chip in a broader geopolitical deal.

It is imperative that Ukraine’s interests remain at the forefront of any negotiations. The war in Ukraine is not just a regional conflict—it is a struggle that speaks to the fundamental principles of sovereignty and self-determination. Any peace settlement that fails to incorporate Ukraine’s security concerns is likely to be unstable at best, and catastrophic at worst.

Maksym Skrypchenko is the president of the Transatlantic Dialogue Center

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Hebrew Media: Israel Fails to Achieve Goals of Gaza Onslaught

Israeli media outlets discussed Tel Aviv’s failure to achieve the goals of the war now ongoing for more than a year on the Gaza Strip. Hebrew newspapers stressed that the army is unable to eliminate Hamas, while disagreements are increasing regarding the future of military operations and the ceasefire agreement.

Yitzhak Brik, former commander of the Southern Corps said Israel has not been able to eliminate Hamas despite the war, now in its 15th month. He asked, “If we have failed throughout this period, how can we achieve it now?”

Brik pointed out that Hamas possesses a huge arsenal of weapons, and has developed its combat methods with its fighters exiting the underground tunnels and returning to them easily, making it difficult for the Israeli army to eliminate them.

He added Hamas has regained its strength, and that the Israeli army has destroyed no more than 10% of the tunnels of the Islamist organization, according to Israeli military sources. He also acknowledged that the military operations have not achieved their goals, and that the war has drained the army more so than at the beginning.

The army is a tool of an extremist government


For her part, Yifat Gadot, from the “Families of Soldiers Cry Enough” organization said the Israeli army has become a tool in the hands of an extremist government that is working to prolong the war to achieve its political and ideological interests.

Gadot added that there is a growing conviction among the families of soldiers that the war has become a means of maintaining the government coalition, not achieving security.

As for attorney Yair Nahorai, an expert in religious Zionist movements, he confirmed that the ongoing conflict is not just a war against Hamas, but part of an extremist religious vision that seeks to occupy Gaza, noting that some parties in the Israeli government consider the “sanctity of the land” more important than human life, which complicates the Israeli position even more.

In the same context, political analyst Ben Caspit considered that the real reason behind the slowdown in implementing the second phase of military operations is the political considerations of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

He explained that the pressure exerted by right-wing ministers, such as Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir, is obstructing the making of decisive decisions regarding the war, as Netanyahu seeks to maintain the stability of his government coalition instead of focusing on recovering the prisoners.

A Joke in the Middle East


For his part, Ben Gvir attacked the government, describing it as lacking courage, and missing a historic opportunity to impose its conditions on Hamas, adding that Israel has become a “joke in the Middle East” due to what he described as weak and hesitant decisions in managing the war and negotiations.

In contrast, Gil Dickman (a relative of one of the Israeli female prisoners killed in Gaza) responded to Ben Gvir’s statements, accusing him of politicizing the issue of prisoners, and called on him to support Netanyahu in his efforts to return the kidnapped, criticizing his withdrawal from the government due to recent agreements.

In another context, political analyst Dana Weiss stated that the Israeli political crisis escalated after statements by US President Donald Trump, who pressured the government to expedite the release of prisoners, threatening decisive responses if Israel did not respond to his demands.

Weiss confirmed that the Israeli government found itself between internal pressures from the extreme right and American and international pressures pushing towards diplomatic solutions, which further complicates the internal Israeli scene in light of the ongoing military operations in Gaza.

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