Israel is No Friend! A Gulf After Doha Strike

By Ali Bakir

For decades, Arab public opinion has held a negative view of both Israel and Iran, widely regarding them as the primary sources of regional threat and instability. This perception has been rooted in the belief that both powers, in their pursuit of expanded influence, indirectly served each other’s agendas by fueling conflict in the Arab world. In contrast, Arab governments, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, traditionally prioritized their survival, focusing their threat assessments on geographically proximate dangers such as Iran, terrorism, and regional instability. However, a significant transformation is underway, with a US-backed Israel increasingly becoming the central figure in a more complex and broadened threat perception.

This shift is driven by Israel’s unrestricted regional military actions, which are perceived as fanatic and religiously motivated, coupled with what the Gulf states view as unreliable security guarantees from the United States. In this sense, the Israeli airstrike on Doha, Qatar in September 2025, marked a watershed moment, profoundly reshaping the threat perception for the GCC states.

Traditionally, some GCC nations viewed Israel through a dual strategic lens; as a key to stronger relations with the United States, or as a potential tacit partner against the threat posed by Iran. Israel consistently leveraged these perceptions to advance its political interests in the Gulf and the wider Arab region. However, as the Arab Gulf countries have solidified their political influence in the US and Iran has weakened, the strategic necessity of a partnership with Israel has waned, rendering even tacit partnership with Tel Aviv unfavorable.

This evolving dynamic has been further amplified by Israel’s aggressive and expansionist agenda, which appears intent on reshaping the Middle East and establishing Israeli hegemony over the Arab nations. In this context, the attack on Qatar – the first direct Israeli assault on a GCC member state, resulting in the killing of a GCC citizen by Israel within the Gulf – constituted a paradigm shift. The fact that Qatar, a key US ally and host to the largest American military installation in the Middle East, was the target, has altered the GCC’s threat calculus. This has challenged the long-held focus on Iran as the principal existential threat, not from a newfound trust in Tehran, but from a pragmatic reassessment of Israel’s increasingly unrestrained military actions that threaten to throw the entire region into chaos.  

Emergence of Israel as a direct threat

In the words of Majed al-Ansari, spokesperson for Qatar’s Foreign Ministry and adviser to the prime minister, the attack on Qatar “has changed the region forever. Our region post September 9 is not the same region as it was before.” This sentiment reflects a significant change in the GCC’s threat perception, moving from a traditional, state-centric focus on Iran and non-state actors to a broader and multi-layered understanding of regional security. Israel’s actions have introduced a dangerous new variable, shifting the primary concern from a potential nuclear-armed Iran to an increasingly assertive and militarily dominant Israel willing to violate the sovereignty of neighboring states with impunity. This new threat perception is characterized by several key elements.

First, there is a growing apprehension among the GCC states regarding Israel’s hegemonic ambitions. Its military operations in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and now the Gulf, are seen as part of a broader strategy to establish itself as the undisputed regional power, compelling Arab nations to submit to its radical, religiously driven expansionist agenda. This directly challenges the sovereignty, strategic autonomy, and governing legitimacy of the GCC states. After decades of being urged by the West to embrace moderation, these nations now find themselves confronting a US-backed, religiously motivated Israel.

Second, the war on Gaza and the ongoing genocide against Palestinian civilians have inflamed global public opinion. While public sentiment may not directly influence governance in the Gulf, it remains a crucial factor in maintaining the legitimacy and stability of the ruling families. Israel’s crossing of all red lines – destabilizing even the governments of countries with normalized relations like Egypt and Jordan, and now targeting GCC members – has created fertile ground for internal unrest, pressuring these governments.

Third, Israel’s aggressive regional posture poses a direct threat to the GCC’s ambitious economic diversification plans. The long-term stability essential for attracting foreign investment and fostering thriving tourism and service sectors is fundamentally undermined by the constant threat of regional conflict. Israel’s actions have drawn the GCC countries into regional chaos, forcing them to bear the financial burden of its hegemonic ambitions. This has fundamentally altered their perception of Israel, which is now seen as a direct threat to their governments, economies, and regional interests.  

Reassessing US security umbrella

The Doha strike has brought the reliability and credibility of the US security umbrella – long considered the cornerstone of Gulf security – into sharp question again. The United States’ unwillingness to prevent an attack on a key ally has instilled a profound sense of vulnerability, urging a reassessment of the value of its security guarantees.

This has led to a growing consensus among the GCC states that they can no longer solely depend on the United States for their security. For some time, these nations have been diversifying their defense and security partnerships, engaging with other regional and international actors, and exploring ways to create a more independent regional security architecture. This does not signal a complete rupture with the US, but rather a strategic pivot towards a more multi-aligned foreign policy.

This evolving threat perception is expected to have a significant impact on the GCC’s defense spending priorities and foreign policy alignments. The Gulf states are likely to adopt more assertive and independent foreign policies, ones less beholden to US interests. This will involve hedging, strengthening regional alliances, engaging in more direct diplomacy with Iran, and taking a more proactive role in shaping the regional security agenda. The primary objective is to deter Israel from normalizing attacks on GCC countries or dragging them into a wider regional conflict.

Reports indicate that GCC states have already increased their military spending in the wake of the Qatar strikes. This trend is expected to continue, with a focus on acquiring advanced air defense systems, counter-drone technologies, cyber capabilities, and other tools to deter and defend against potential Israeli aggression. In parallel, the GCC states are moving away from their near-total reliance on US military hardware and are actively seeking to diversify their defense and security partnerships. While China and Russia have been suggested as key players in the diversification, recent data indicates that countries like Türkiye are emerging as significant partners in the GCC’s diversification strategies.

While the path forward is fraught with challenges, one thing is certain: The old paradigms of Gulf security are no longer tenable. Israel has emerged as a dominant and disruptive actor in the new threat perception of the GCC states.

The author is an assistant professor of international affairs, security, and defense at Qatar University and a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington.

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Hamas Agrees to Trump’s Plan

Senior Hamas official Mousa Abu Marzouk said Friday that the Palestine resistance group had agreed to US President Donald Trump’s plan on a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip “in principle,” endorsing its main outlines, while stressing that implementation would require negotiations.

Abu Marzouk emphasized in an interview with Qatar’s Al Jazeera network that the group “would hand over its weapons to a future Palestinian state,” and the fate of Palestinians is a “national matter that Hamas alone cannot decide.”

“We agreed to the US plan in its main outlines, as a principle,” he said.

Abu Marzouk noted that the plan’s implementation “requires detailed negotiations through mediators.”

He pointed out that Hamas “will enter negotiations over all issues related to the movement and its weapons.”

“For example, all the details concerning the peacekeeping force require understandings and clarification.”

Abu Marzouk explained that Hamas “will hand over weapons to the coming Palestinian state, and whoever governs Gaza will hold the weapons.”

He said that “shaping the future of the Palestinian people is a national issue that Hamas alone cannot decide,” calling on Washington to “look positively at the future of the Palestinian people.”

Abu Marzouk noted that “there was a national agreement to hand over Gaza’s administration to independents whose reference is the Palestinian Authority.”

He affirmed that Hamas is “a national liberation movement, and that the definition of terrorism in the plan cannot be applied to it.”

Earlier, Hamas announced that it approved the release of all Israeli captives, the delivery of deceased bodies and the handover of Gaza’s administration to an independent Palestinian body in its response to Trump’s ceasefire plan for Gaza.​​​​​​​

The Palestinian group said in a statement on Telegram that “other issues raised in President Trump’s proposal concerning the future of the Gaza Strip and the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are tied to a unified national position based on relevant international laws and resolutions.”

A Palestinian source told Anadolu that Hamas delivered its response to Trump’s plan to mediators and requested clarifications on some clauses.

Hamas indicated that it had conducted “in-depth consultations within its leadership institutions and broad consultations with Palestinian forces and factions, as well as with mediators and friends, to reach a responsible position in dealing with US President Donald Trump’s plan.”

It affirmed its readiness to “immediately” enter, through mediators, into negotiations to discuss the details of the plan.

Israel estimates that 48 Israeli captives are in Gaza, including 20 alive, while around 11,100 Palestinians are held in its prisons, suffering from torture, starvation, and medical neglect, with many killed as a result, according to Palestinian and Israeli media and rights reports.

Earlier Friday, Trump gave Hamas until 6 pm Washington time (2200GMT) on Sunday to approve his plan regarding the Gaza Strip.

The White House issued a detailed plan on Sept. 29, calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, followed by a comprehensive program for reconstruction and a reorganization of the enclave’s political and security situation.

The plan seeks to turn Gaza into a weapons-free zone, with a transitional governance mechanism overseen directly by Trump through a new international body tasked with monitoring implementation.

It includes the release of all Israeli captives held by Hamas within 72 hours of approval, in exchange for the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners from Israeli jails according to Anadolu.

The plan stipulates halting hostilities, disarming the Palestinian resistance and Israel’s gradual withdrawal from Gaza, to be governed by a technocratic authority under the supervision of an international body led by the US president.

Israel has maintained a blockade on Gaza, home to nearly 2.4 million people, for nearly 18 years. It tightened the siege in March when it closed border crossings and blocked food and medicine deliveries, pushing the enclave into famine.

Since October 2023, Israeli bombardment has killed nearly 66,300 Palestinians, most of them women and children. The UN and rights groups have repeatedly warned that the enclave is being rendered uninhabitable, with starvation and disease spreading rapidly amid widespread displacement.

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Israel and Its Collaborators in Gaza

By Ali Saadeh

The structure of the Hebrew state is based on mercenaries, collaborators, and agents. As revealed in Gaza, Israel is no more than a gang of murderers and a terrorist organization in the guise of a “state.”

Therefore, it is of no surprise it currently sponsors gangs of drug dealers, murderers, and thugs, and has created mercenary groups and armed Palestinian militias to operate in parallel with the Israeli military forces and under the supervision of the Israeli General Security Service (Shin Bet).

The Israeli government is today arming Palestinian militias in Gaza, under the direct direction and orders of Benjamin Netanyahu to confront Hamas and other Palestinian resistance groups.

Tel Aviv acknowledges the existence of at least three groups it is supplying with weapons and are funding them in Gaza and pursue Hamas and Islamic Jihad fighters without revealing direct Israeli military involvement.

These militias do not receive regular Israeli weapons but supplied with weapons confiscated by the army from the resistance factions in Gaza and weapons seized from Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. This makes their combat gear appear more like “spoils of war” than Israeli military equipment.

In addition, their members receive monthly salaries and permits to carry weapons from the Israeli army, making them more like local mercenaries serving the occupation’s goals under Palestinian cover.

One of these militias, led by Yasser Abu Shabab and stationed in the eastern areas of Rafah, is the most prominent example of this formation and enjoys direct protection from the Israeli army. Other formations include young men from the clans and activists opposed to Hamas, many of whom belong to the Fatah movement.

According to Israeli sources, the tasks of these groups include gathering intelligence, monitoring areas emptied of Hamas and Islamic Jihad members, and participating in maintaining security in areas crowded with displaced civilians in the southern Gaza Strip, according to Haaretz.

While the Israeli army and the Shin Bet promote the idea that these militias would constitute a “local alternative” to Hamas in the medium term, indicators on the ground show otherwise. Hamas and the resistance factions continue to dominate the scene throughout the Gaza Strip.

These groups train openly under the noses of Israeli forces inside the Strip and move freely near invading units, in small formations of between five and 10 armed men.

To avoid confusion, the Israeli army began in recent weeks to code the locations of these militia members in its command and control system, just as it designates the locations of its own forces, and making them part of its field military plan.

According to army commanders, these militias are participating in “large-scale and important operations within sensitive areas.” However, they also warn of the risk of losing control over them, with some saying: “Tomorrow they might commit a massacre. Who will bear the responsibility then?”

Haaretz military correspondent Yaniv Kubitsch pointed out that arming mercenary militias to carry out dirty operations or massacres is not new, recalling what happened in Lebanon during the 1980s, when pro-occupation militias committed the Sabra and Shatila massacre in 1982 after the Israeli army besieged the camp.

According to Kubitsch, the army and the Shin Bet direct these militias to carry out missions, often in densely-populated areas in the southern Gaza Strip, where residents displaced from northern and central Gaza are concentrated.

Israeli media cites lessons from previous experiences in the region, from the South Lebanon Army to attempts to establish local entities in the West Bank, the experiences of the Sahwa (awakening) in Iraq, and the role of militias in Afghanistan and Syria.

He says,: “All of these are examples that demonstrate that local militias can turn against their back or spawn conflicting forces that weaken the state’s authority.”

Recently, Hussam al-Astal, former member of the Palestinian Authority’s security forces, emerged and announced the formation of such an armed group in the Qizan al-Najjar area, southeast of Khan Yunis, which has been completely evacuated.

Astal called on residents to move to areas under his control and provide them with food, water, and shelter. He told The Times of Israel that his group would welcome anyone hostile to Hamas and that he had enough food, water, and shelter for everyone.

He noted that in the coming days, he would work to welcome about 400 Palestinians after verifying their security IDs. He said he was responsible for the area, as was Yasser Abu Shabab, who was responsible for areas east of Rafah and parts of eastern Khan Yunis. He confirmed he was in contact with Abu Shabab but was operating independently.

Astal is no stranger to collaborating; he worked for several years in Israel and later with the Palestinian Authority’s security forces when they still controlled Gaza.

He spoke of coordination between his group and the occupation, noting he received support from several sources, including the United States, Europe, and unspecified Arab countries.

Al-Astal was detained by the Hamas government’s security services after they succeeded in luring him from outside the Gaza Strip to the territory, indirectly through one of his brothers, an officer in the Hamas government’s internal security service. He was investigated on charges of collaborating with the occupation at the time, regarding his involvement in the assassination of engineer Fadi al-Batsh in Malaysia in 2018.

In 2022, the Permanent Military Court in Gaza issued a death sentence against al-Astal after convicting him of killing al-Batsh.

After the outbreak of the war, al-Astal managed to escape from prison and attempted to flee towards Israel. However, after the emergence of Yasser Abu Shabab’s group in Rafah, he joined it and fought with it, before establishing his new group alongside other militants, most of whom were accused of collaborating with Israel and thus held in Gaza prisons.

However, the collaborator remains, in the eyes of his employer, a mere dirty tool he manipulates according to his own interests. When his usefulness expires, the enemy throws him in the trash can and leaves him to his inevitable fate, which is being recorded on the streets by the Palestinian people. This punishment has become imminent after the recent scenes of the resistance executing a group of collaborators.

This feature was written recently by Ali Saadeh in Arabic and published in Assabeel.

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