Ali Khamenei Killed in US-Israeli Strikes

Iran’s State Television officially announced, Sunday early morning, that Iran’s spiritual leader Ali Khamenei was killed in American-Israeli strikes on the country. The television stated the leader of the Islamic revolution was martyred in the continuous US-Israeli attacks that begun on Saturday. He was working at his office on the early hours of Saturday morning. Iran media also stated his daughter, her husband and granddaughter were also killed in the attacks.

Iran has declared a mourning period of 40 days.

This is an extended profile on the late rule from Anadolu.

The killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Saturday’s joint US-Israeli strikes marks a watershed moment for the Islamic Republic, removing the figure who for more than three decades was the country’s ultimate political, military and ideological authority.

The 86-year-old cleric wielded power that extended across Iran’s armed forces, judiciary and foreign policy apparatus, with his decisions overriding those of presidents and parliament alike.

Since assuming leadership in 1989 following the death of the Islamic Republic’s founder Ruhollah Khomeini, Khamenei steered Iran through the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq war, crippling Western sanctions, diplomatic isolation, recurring domestic unrest and intensifying confrontation with Washington and Tel Aviv.

To supporters, he was the steadfast defender of Iran’s sovereignty against foreign pressure. To critics, he symbolized an uncompromising political system resistant to reform and dissent.

As supreme leader, he served as head of state and commander-in-chief, retaining final authority over the armed forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Childhood, faith and early politics

Khamenei was born on April 19, 1939, in Mashhad in eastern Iran to a modest religious family. After completing primary education, he pursued Islamic studies at seminary in Mashhad before continuing with advanced theological training in Qom. He was also known for his deep interest in poetry and literature.

In the early 1960s, he joined Ayatollah Khomeini’s movement against Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Beginning in 1963, he was repeatedly arrested by SAVAK, the Shah’s intelligence service, for organizing protests and distributing anti-regime literature, and spent several periods in exile.

As mass protests swept Iran in 1978-1979, weakening the monarchy, political prisoners and exiles returned to public life. Khamenei re-emerged in Mashhad and other cities, helping organize demonstrations and mobilize support for Khomeini’s revolutionary agenda.

Ascent and role as supreme leader

Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Khamenei joined the Revolutionary Council and quickly rose within the new political order. He served as deputy defense minister, Tehran’s Friday prayer leader, and a member of parliament.

In 1981, after the assassination of President Mohammad Ali Rajai, Khamenei was elected president, serving two consecutive terms until 1989. That same year, he survived an assassination attempt when a bomb hidden in a tape recorder exploded during a mosque speech, leaving his right arm permanently impaired.

After Khomeini’s death in June 1989, Iran’s Assembly of Experts appointed Khamenei as supreme leader, with constitutional revisions later formalizing the position at the apex of the political system.

Though initially viewed as a compromise choice, he gradually consolidated authority, strengthening the power of the supreme leader’s office over both executive and legislative branches. Under his leadership, Iran pursued a foreign policy centered on resisting US influence, expanding regional alliances and maintaining strategic deterrence.

Domestically, Iran’s politics moved between reformist and conservative currents. Reformist President Mohammad Khatami’s 1997 victory generated public optimism, but Khamenei constrained efforts to open Iran to the West. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s presidency aligned more closely with conservative priorities, though the disputed 2009 election triggered mass protests.

Later administrations navigated a complex balance between pragmatism and ideological rigidity. President Hassan Rouhani pursued diplomatic engagement, including nuclear negotiations, while conservative President Ebrahim Raisi aligned closely with Khamenei’s policies.

Khamenei’s tenure also saw repeated waves of unrest. In 2022, the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody sparked nationwide protests that exposed deep social grievances.

Protests erupted again in late 2025, initially against economic hardships but later spiraling into mass anti-regime demonstrations. The protests saw violent clashes and a government crackdown, with Iranian authorities confirming over 3,100 deaths, including both civilians and security personnel.

Nuclear program and negotiations

Iran’s nuclear program became one of the defining issues of Khamenei’s rule. As tensions escalated with Western powers, sweeping sanctions severely strained Iran’s economy.

In 2015, Tehran reached the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), curbing nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief. Khamenei approved negotiations but remained deeply skeptical of Washington. The deal unraveled after the US under President Donald Trump withdrew in 2018 and reinstated sanctions, prompting Iran to scale back compliance.

Khamenei’s death comes as Washington and Tehran were engaged in indirect nuclear negotiations. US demands reportedly included permanent restrictions on Iran’s nuclear capabilities and limits on enriched uranium stockpiles, while Iranian officials insisted they would not relinquish enrichment rights or ship stockpiles abroad and demanded sanctions relief.

Khamenei consistently framed Iran’s nuclear ambitions as peaceful while portraying sanctions as economic coercion. In one of his last social media posts on Feb. 17, he said nuclear energy is an “undeniable right” recognized under international guidelines and assailed US interference.

Palestine, regional alliances and the ‘Axis of Resistance’

Support for Palestinian statehood remained central to Khamenei’s worldview. Following Israel’s war on Gaza in October 2023, he intensified rhetoric against Israel and the US, urging countries to sever ties with Israel and calling for diplomatic isolation.

A key pillar of Iran’s strategy under Khamenei was backing regional allies, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and armed groups across Iraq and Yemen, as part of what Iranian officials describe as the “Axis of Resistance” — a network aligned against Israeli and US influence. The grouping also covers Palestinian factions including Hamas and the former Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad.

Confrontation with US and Israel

Khamenei remained a long-standing critic of US and Israeli policies, frequently portraying them as Iran’s principal adversaries. Regional tensions escalated after Israeli airstrikes on Iranian sites last year prompted retaliatory attacks by Tehran.

He repeatedly vowed that Iran would respond to Israeli actions and refused the prospect of negotiations with Tel Aviv, warning that Tehran would continue to resist its aggression.

At the same time, US and Israeli officials in recent weeks had renewed calls for political change in Iran, underscoring the intensity of the confrontation that framed the final period of Khamenei’s rule.

In a statement announcing Khamenei’s death, Trump said he “was unable to avoid our Intelligence and Highly Sophisticated Tracking Systems and, working closely with Israel, there was not a thing he, or the other leaders that have been killed along with him, could do.”

The US president also repeated his call for “the Iranian people to take back their Country.”

Khamenei’s death removes one of the most consequential figures in modern Middle Eastern politics — a leader who shaped Iran’s ideological identity, regional alliances and decades-long confrontation with the West.

The uncertainty now facing Tehran could prove as consequential as his rule, as Iran navigates leadership succession amid heightened regional tensions and fragile diplomatic efforts.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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The Israeli army revealed, Tuesday, its total casualty figures in the ongoing battles with the resistance movement in southern Lebanon since fighting resumed in 2 March, 2026

The army reported in an official statement that the deaths of 18 officers and soldiers, along with 910 that were wounded, during the continued clashes in southern part of the country and as reported by the the Palestinian Information Center.

The fierce battles in south Lebanon have been unexpected because of their intensity. The Israeli army noted that 190 officers and soldiers were wounded just in the past two weeks; it specified that 114 soldiers sustained moderate injuries, while 52 others were in serious condition.

However, the Israeli army put on a stiff upper lip. It claimed to have destroyed Hezbollah missile launchers, which it said were aimed at occupied Palestine and its forces were in forward deployment mode in southern Lebanon.

It also claimed to have killed 15 Hezbollah members, alleging they posed a “threat” to its forces, and announced the discovery of a weapons cache in the town of Rashaf, according to its statement released Tuesday evening.

The Israeli occupation army continues its intensive attacks on Lebanon as part of an ongoing aggression that has resulted in thousands of martyrs and wounded, in addition to the displacement of more than 1.6 million people.

Despite the fragile ceasefire that came into effect on April 17, the occupation forces continue their incursions into southern Lebanon, along with carrying out systematic demolitions and destruction of homes and buildings, and forcibly displacing residents from dozens of villages, under the pretext of targeting what they describe as “military infrastructure and Hezbollah elements.”

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Watch Out: Israel is Secretly Filling The West Bank With Settlements

DEIR AMMAR, Occupied West Bank—Mustafa Badaha drove along the edge of his land, past rows of olive trees he could no longer access. A red string put up by Israeli settlers demarcated the border of what was stolen from him in Deir Ammar, a Palestinian town around 17 kilometers northwest of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. The settlers had recently established a new outpost in the area named Ramataim Zofim.

“Everything is legal—I have permits—but it makes no difference. A settler comes and simply says, ‘This is my land. You have no place here,’” Badaha told Drop Site. For years, he cultivated the land, building a small summer home where his family would gather. “Now, no one can go there—if we try, we are attacked,” he said. “What was once my joy is now my greatest fear.”

A red string put up by Israeli settlers on Mustafa Badaha’s land in Deir Ammar in the occupied West Bank demarcating the land they took over. April 30, 2026. Photo by Naqaa Hamed.

Settlers began routinely attacking Palestinians in the area back in August 2025. “They came here armed, created problems with the youth and the families, and even fired live ammunition,” Badaha said. He contacted the Palestinian Authority, who reached out to Israeli authorities. “The attacks kept increasing day after day. At first, the settlers were about 500 meters away, then gradually they kept getting closer until they reached the houses,” he said. “Every day there are provocations. They block the road, and with the youth we reopened it several times. Recently, there was another major attack and they blocked the road again.” After contacting the Israeli police, the Israeli military eventually arrived and detained Palestinians from the community instead of the settlers.

“The youth were insulted, detained for over an hour, searched, and had their IDs checked. I asked the officer, ‘What are we supposed to do? You tell us not to react, but settlers are the ones attacking,’” Badaha exclaimed. “We are living under constant attacks. This is our home, our land—we have water, electricity, internet—everything. Yet there is no safety.”

Ramataim Zofim is one of 34 settlements secretly approved by the Israeli security cabinet in late March, a decision that was only revealed in Israeli news reports last month. It marked the largest number of settlements approved by any Israeli government at one time. The decision to officially approve new settlements or to legalize outposts allows for the establishment of water and electricity infrastructure, further entrenching their presence on Palestinian land.

The 34 new settlements established by the Israeli security cabinet join 68 settlements the current government has approved since its formation a little over three years ago. By comparison, only six new settlements were formally approved by Israel in the 30 years between the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and the establishment of the current government. Over the past three decades, thousands of additional housing units have been approved within existing settlements, like Ma’ale Adumim which lies just east of Jerusalem and is home to up to 40,000 Israeli settlers.

“This represents an unprecedented pace and scale of expansion,” Amir Daoud, director of Publishing and Documentation at the Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission, told Drop Site. Until the establishment of the current Israeli government there were 127 official settlements in the West Bank, according to the Israeli group Peace Now. Adding over 100 new official settlements represents an increase of nearly 80%.

“These new sites are distributed across the West Bank in what can be described as a fragmented but comprehensive pattern, effectively targeting the entire territory,” Daoud said. “Overall, this wave of approvals reflects a clear race against time to impose as many facts on the ground as possible, in order to achieve long-standing strategic goals.”

A map of the 34 newly approved Israeli settlements approved in March 2026. Credit: Peace Now.

All 34 of the new settlements are located in Area C, a technical designation established under the Oslo Accords that divided the West Bank into three sections. Area A is technically under Palestinian civil administration and security control; Area B is under Palestinian civil administration but shares security control with Israel; and Area C is under full Israeli control.

The International Court of Justice, UN Security Council resolutions, and international law experts agree that all Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank are illegal under international law.

“Consistent with long-standing settlement policy, these new sites contribute to the fragmentation of Palestinian areas while simultaneously creating territorial continuity between settlements,” Daoud said. “This is especially evident in central parts of the West Bank, where settlement placement further disrupts Palestinian geographic cohesion.”

Five of the newly approved settlements are in the governorate of Al-Khalil (Hebron) in the south of the territory and home to the largest Palestinian city in the West Bank. One of the settlements, which lies southwest of the city of Al-Khalil, named Meged, has affected land that Fahed Qawasmi and his family have cultivated for generations.

“My sister and I lost about three dunams [about 0.75 acres] of our land,” Qawasmi told Drop Site. “We only realized what was happening from neighbors—they had already taken around 300 to 400 dunams [about 74 to 100 acres] before reaching our land…We rushed there, but settlers attacked my brother on the land.”

The establishment of a new settlement has geographical ripple effects far beyond the actual settlement itself. “If a settlement is built, it won’t just take the land it stands on. It will expand around it, turning the surrounding areas into closed military zones,” Qawasmi said. “That means more land lost, more restrictions, and no access—not just for us, but for nearby homes and fields as well.”

Qawasmi said that grapevines more than 100 years old and police trees planted by his father were all uprooted. “This land is extremely valuable to us—not in money, but because it was passed down through generations. My father inherited it from his father, and so on. We were even offered to sell it before, but we always refused. This land is not for sale,” he said. “To lose it like this, without any right, is devastating. It destroys you emotionally.”

In the north of the West Bank, six of the newly approved settlements form a semi circle around Jenin, surrounding the Palestinian city from the west, south, and east.

“The land involved here is around 500 dunams [around 123 acres], and what’s happening now—through road construction and gradual takeover—means this entire area could effectively be confiscated,” Mohammad Arqawi, the head of the village council of Al-Arqah village in Jenin, told Drop Site. “And when 500 dunams are affected, it doesn’t just impact one group. It affects farmers, traders, workers, shepherds—the entire local community.”

A staggering 40,000 Palestinians have been displaced across the West Bank since the beginning of 2025 by demolitions, settler attacks, and access restrictions, according to a statement by the Deputy Spokesman for the UN Secretary-General Farhan Haq. Meanwhile, violence by Israeli settlers and soldiers against Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem has skyrocketed to unprecedented levels. According to the United Nations, between October 7, 2023 and April 23, 2026, at least 1,088 Palestinians—including 238 children— have been killed. Forty-two of them have been killed since the beginning of 2026. The UN said that the first four months of 2026 have seen the most violent start to a year since monitoring of settler violence and harassment began in 2013.

“This is just the beginning—the impact will grow,” Arqawi said. “Every time settlers attack, the army is present. The situation has become almost routine—settlers and army operating together on a daily basis.”

* Sharif Abdel Kouddous contributed to this report which is published in the Drop Site website

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