Averting an Environmental Catastrophe. How?

By Najla Shahwan

Amid staggering immediate needs, widespread trauma and mounting medical complications, what is unfolding in Gaza is not only a humanitarian catastrophe. It is an ecological collapse, one that threatens the very possibility of recovery and will affect Gaza’s population for generations to come.

While the human suffering is visible and relentless, the environmental devastation is less apparent and harder to grasp. Yet it is no less catastrophic. The human cost of Israel’s invasion of Gaza, launched after the Hamas attack on 7 October, is being compounded by a rapidly escalating environmental crisis.

The destruction of essential civilian infrastructure — including water, sewage and waste management systems — has led to long-term toxic contamination of land and sea, posing severe health and environmental risks. Israel’s bombardment has filled Gaza’s landscape with a lethal mix of shattered concrete, asbestos dust and polluted water.

Olive groves and farmland have been flattened. Soil and groundwater are contaminated by munitions and toxins. The sea is choked with untreated sewage and waste, while the air is thick with smoke and fine particulate matter. Gaza’s environment is in freefall: poisoned water, ruined croplands and a shattered power grid are pushing the territory to the brink.

The United Nations and global medical and human rights organisations have repeatedly warned of famine, forced starvation, widespread environmental destruction and near-constant bombardment, citing grave violations of international law and describing Israel’s assault as genocidal.

As of late 2025, Gaza continues to endure a catastrophic environmental disaster that persists despite successive ceasefire agreements. Even after the latest ceasefire came into effect on 10 October, conditions on the ground have remained largely unchanged. Israeli air and artillery strikes continue, alongside the illegal destruction of civilian homes and reports of Israeli troops shooting Palestinian civilians.

Pollution is pervasive, in the air people breathe, the water they bathe in and drink, the food they consume and the surroundings in which they live. Israel’s war on Gaza has not only levelled neighbourhoods, displaced families repeatedly and crippled medical facilities, but has also poisoned the land and water upon which Gazans depend.

Much of Gaza’s agricultural land has been destroyed, leaving the territory in a state of severe food insecurity and famine, with food increasingly used as a weapon. Alongside the devastation of water, sewage and hospital infrastructure, Israel continues to restrict the entry of food, tents, warm clothing and life-saving medical supplies, leaving millions without basic necessities.

Children, in particular, are bearing the brunt. They are growing up amid one of the world’s most acute humanitarian crises, without adequate shelter, sanitation or warm clothing, and facing alarming levels of acute malnutrition.

Freshwater supplies are now severely limited, and much of what remains is unsafe. The collapse of sewage treatment facilities, the destruction of piped systems and the use of cesspits for sanitation have almost certainly contaminated the aquifer that supplies much of Gaza’s water, contributing to a surge in infectious diseases.

The scale and potential longevity of this damage have prompted calls for the destruction to be recognised as “ecocide” and investigated as a possible war crime. According to official estimates, Israeli forces have killed more than 70,000 Palestinians during more than two years of war. The UN estimates that 90 per cent of Gaza’s population has been displaced, with more than 1.5 million people in urgent need of shelter.

Environmental devastation, from heavily polluted water to the suspected impact of toxic weapons, has deepened an already apocalyptic humanitarian crisis. Flooding rains, combined with the lack of safe drinking water and even basic hygiene facilities such as handwashing, are accelerating the spread of disease. Health authorities are struggling to save lives, while essential medical supplies continue to be blocked from entering the enclave.

Unusually heavy rains, strong winds and flooding have further compounded the suffering, making conditions for displaced families even more dire. Months into a fragile ceasefire that has been repeatedly violated, the true scale of Gaza’s environmental destruction is becoming painfully clear — and the situation continues to deteriorate.

If this trajectory continues, it will leave a legacy of environmental damage that will undermine the health and wellbeing of Gaza’s population for generations. Ending the human suffering must be the immediate priority. Restoring freshwater systems, clearing debris and re-establishing essential services are urgently needed to save lives.

For Palestinians, neither safety nor reliable access to life-saving treatment or aid has materialised under the ceasefire. Beyond emergency relief, the recovery of vegetation, freshwater ecosystems and soil will be essential for food and water security. Gaza’s environmental recovery will depend on careful, inclusive and science-based planning, and on a political will to allow a future in which Gaza’s people can survive, rebuild and live with dignity.

The author Najla M. Shahwan is a contributor to The Jordan Times

  • CrossFireArabia

    CrossFireArabia

    Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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    Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

    Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

    This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

    In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

    Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

    They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

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