How Would You Like to Die?

Hilal Elver

As we approach the second anniversary of the horrific and genocidal assault on the civilian population of the Gaza Strip, we are witnessing Israel’s systematic disregard for international law and human rights and its weaponization of humanitarian principles. In any armed conflict, the denial of food and water constitutes a war crime under international criminal law. But the mass starvation in Gaza—which quickly evolved into a man-made famine—is unlike any other crisis in modern times.

In Gaza, not only is access to food and water deliberately obstructed, but humanitarian aid itself has become a tool of warfare—used as leverage and denied as a means of collective punishment. The visibility of this crisis, the abundance of credible evidence of war crimes, the immense suffering of civilians—above all women and children—and the impunity of powerful actors make this both a test case for the erosion of humanitarian norms and a tragic outlier in the history of international law.

The blockade and starvation of Gaza are not new. They have a long history—and a uniquely bleak future compared to other conflict-related famines. Since 2007, Gaza has been under Israeli blockade. During this period, Israel systematically calculated the minimum caloric intake required for survival—creating a so-called “Gaza Diet.”[1]

Entering the war, Israel had detailed knowledge of the population’s basic needs and made a conscious, sustained choice to deny adequate access to food and clean water for over 21 months.

Unlike other conflicts, there is no escape from the devastation in Gaza. The entire territory is a war zone, and all 2.3 million Palestinians are treated as enemies[2]—collectively punished and militarily targeted. Humanitarian convoys wait at border crossings, fully loaded, but are denied entry. Food rots within sight of starving families, often just meters away.

Due to Gaza’s specific circumstances, starvation spread rapidly—from the North to the Center and then to the South. By December 2023, with winter approaching, most homes and residential areas were destroyed. The majority of Gazans were living in tents or the ruins of buildings—without food, water, cooking facilities, heating, or sanitation. Evidence has long shown that catastrophic living conditions, a crumbling healthcare system, and severely inadequate and sporadic humanitarian aid produced mass malnutrition and imminent famine.


Deliberate targeting tactics

Israel has repeatedly denied UN and NGO reports about the use of starvation as a weapon. The US government also ignored clear warnings and overwhelming evidence. For months, most Western governments avoided using the words famine or genocide in relation to Gaza. The UN’s Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)[3], the authoritative global body on famine assessments, has yet to formally declare a famine in Gaza—despite mounting evidence—due to political pressure from perpetrators. Statements by UN Special Rapporteurs, based on scientific data, and multiple interim rulings by the International Court of Justice [4] warning of the “plausibility of famine” have been disregarded. Instead, Israeli forces have responded with further attacks on aid convoys[5] and on civilians trying to collect sacks of flour.[6] These were not collateral damages; they were targeting tactics.

Day by day, the situation has gone from bad to worse—to catastrophic. On March 2, 2025, during a broken ceasefire, Israel blocked all international humanitarian aid from entering Gaza, allowing only minimal deliveries through a militarized and dehumanizing distribution system it controls. In March 2025, the blockade entered a harsher phase, marked by stricter restrictions and the militarization of aid distribution. After two months without food and water, the United States, alongside private contractors and mercenaries under Israeli military supervision, launched a long-planned entity: the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF)[7].

This new structure replaced over 400 non-militarized UN distribution points with just four distribution centers—located in highly insecure areas. Humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence were completely abandoned. UN agencies and international humanitarian organizations refused to participate in this privatized, militarized, and lethally deceptive system.

Dire results were feared from the outset. More than 1,000 people have died of Israeli army sniper attacks at these sites, and more than 5,000 have been injured. People walk for hours along dangerous, dusty roads, wait under the desert sun, and are given just 11 minutes to collect 25 kilograms[8] of flour before the GHF arbitrarily closes its gates. When they exit, the ordeal often continues. Many are shot—by Israeli forces, private security, or armed groups. Gaza’s civilians are forced to choose between being killed by snipers or dying of hunger. Today, simply following the path of supposed humanitarian aid amounts to a death sentence.


Israel knows no limits in committing war crimes

On July 20, 2025, Israeli tanks and snipers attacked a 25-truck World Food Programme convoy[9] at the Zikim crossing. More than 100 Palestinians waiting for food were killed. It is a demonic inversion of humanitarianism: starvation weaponized, aid turned into bait, and civilians punished for seeking sustenance.

Famine, though still undeclared, is now undeniably present in Gaza. Why does the IPC exist if it cannot act? In recent days alone, over 100 people have died of hunger[10], including infants. Humanitarian workers and medical staff are collapsing from exhaustion and malnutrition. Every day, 10–15 people die from starvation.

Starvation is a silent death. It hides its cruelty. It is a societal torture.[11] People lose the energy to ask for help. Children stop crying. It is also one of the most painful deaths—the body consuming itself. Children suffer first, and if they survive, they are left with lifelong physical and cognitive damage. The effects of the Gaza famine will persist for generations.

Even the death toll has become a political battleground. Israel accuses Gaza’s health authorities of inflating numbers, yet respected research institutions have reported far higher estimates. In July 2024, The Lancet [12] projected over 186,000 deaths—many from indirect causes such as starvation, dehydration, and exposure. Oxfam[13] now reports that in the past 100 days, the daily death rate in Gaza is over 250—higher than in any other 21st-century conflict.

Unless there is an immediate permanent ceasefire or a meaningful intervention by the international community, Gaza will become even more of a monstrous killing field—a real-life version of The Hunger Games. What once seemed like dystopian fiction is now a horrifying reality, unfolding in plain sight.

[1] https://visualizingpalestine.org/visual/the-gaza-diet/
[2] https://www.isdglobal.org/digital_dispatches/no-innocents-the-collective-blame-of-palestinians-online/
[3] https://www.ipcinfo.org
[4] https://www.icj-cij.org/node/203447
[5] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/11/30/israel-kills-world-central-kitchen-aid-workers-in-gaza
[6] https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/03/un-experts-condemn-flour-massacre-urge-israel-end-campaign-starvation-gaza
[7] https://www.972mag.com/gaza-social-collapse-criminal-gangs/
[8] https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/jul/22/food-aid-gaza-deaths-visual-story-ghf-israel
[9] https://www.wfp.org/news/gaza-convoy-incident-statement
[10] https://www.ft.com/content/6899af82-1a6f-4ec6-91ba-41e7a5f0012d?utm_source=chatgpt.com
[11] https://cjil.uchicago.edu/print-archive/siege-starvation-war-crime-societal-torture
[12] https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(24)01169-3/fulltext
[13] https://www.oxfam.org/en/press-releases/daily-death-rate-gaza-higher-any-other-major-21st-century-conflict-oxfam

*Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Anadolu’s editorial policy.​​​​​​​

The author is a former UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food (2014-2020) and a member of the High Level Panel of Experts (HLPE) of the UN Committee of World Food Security (CFS).

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Occupation and Israeli Violence

By Najla M. Shahwan

In the context of Israel’s unlawful occupation and its imposition of a system of apartheid against all Palestinians, and against the backdrop of its ongoing genocide in Gaza, Israeli authorities have been recently accelerating its violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in pursuing its policy of ethnic cleansing in the occupied West Bank.

This policy has been implemented through the forcible displacement of Palestinians in refugee camps, Bedouin and herding communities in the West Bank, as well as the creation and expansion of settlements , acts that amount to the war crime of unlawful deportation and transfer.

Palestine’s Permanent Mission to the UN on June 12 sounded the alarm over the newest largest wave of forced displacement of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.

During a briefing held by the Palestine’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva, Palestine’s Permanent Representative, ambassador Ibrahim Khraishi, warned of the unprecedented deterioration of conditions in the occupied West Bank amid the upsurge of colonist attacks, colonial settlement expansion, and the ongoing military offensive on the refugee camps of Jenin, Tulkarm and Nur Shams, which has triggered the largest wave of forced displacement in the West Bank since 1967, alongside widespread destruction of infrastructure, homes and civilian facilities.

He stressed that the West Bank was witnessing a dangerous escalation at the political, economic and humanitarian levels due to Israel’s unbridled annexation and settler-colonialism policies, arrests, extrajudicial killings, colonist violence, and the continued withholding of Palestinian clearance revenues.

On his part, UNRWA representatives outlined the latest developments in the northern West Bank, pointing to escalating destruction and the forced displacement of more than 45,000 Palestinians, attacks on infrastructure and medical facilities, and Israeli measures aimed at demolishing the Agency’s premises in occupied Jerusalem.

Israeli authorities have been accelerating annexation through a state-driven campaign of ethnic cleansing targeting Palestinian Bedouin and herding communities in Area C of the occupied West Bank, while committing the crime against humanity of forcible transfer.

The Israeli government has made formal annexation an explicit policy objective .

It has accelerated settlement expansion and land grabs, increased financial and logistical support to settlements, and has armed settlers, thereby enabling a brutal state-sanctioned campaign of settler violence and of forced displacement of Palestinians from Area C.

This area constitutes over 60 per cent of the occupied West Bank and has long been central to Israel’s efforts to control land and demographics, given its natural resources, vital grazing and agricultural land.

Communities in Area C have been facing growing risks of displacement and settlement expansion.

The Jordan Valley and South Hebron Hills have been areas under particular pressure where residents have faced repeated raids, demolitions and damage to infrastructure. Restrictions on access to land and essential services have also increased pressure on these communities and State -backed settler violence and home demolitions have forcibly displaced thousands of Palestinians in, emptying out over 100 villages entirely.

In the Gaza Strip , Israel’s ongoing military operations and evacuation orders despite the ceasefire have displaced roughly 90 per cent of the population (approximately 1.9 million people), with much of the civilian infrastructure destroyed to create long-term buffer zones.

Families have been displaced from their neighborhoods many times – and the last time they were uprooted, they were homeless for more than six months.

Israel’s ‘voluntary emigration’ plan from Gaza is its latest attempt to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from the Strip .

Israel’s defense minister has advanced plans to remove Palestinians from the Gaza Strip through “voluntary emigration”.

Israel Katz said late last May that the plans would take place “at the proper time and in the proper manner”.

Israel’s security cabinet approved a proposal by Katz in March to establish a directorate within his ministry to facilitate “migration” from the enclave.

Despite the Israeli genocide in Gaza, which has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians and wrought utter destruction on the coastal enclave, the vast majority of Palestinians there say they will never abandon their home.

Proposals for the removal of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip have been repeatedly raised during the course of the Israeli genocide.

Though some ministers have framed the move to remove Palestinians as a voluntary option, other Israeli officials have been explicitly calling for forced expulsion, which is a war crime.

Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits an occupying power from forcibly transferring , deporting or displacing occupied people from an occupied territory while the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court names deportation by “expulsion or other coercive acts” a crime against humanity.

Ninety-two per cent of Gaza’s homes have been destroyed or damaged. None of its 37 hospitals is fully functional. Aid trucks cut from 4,200 a week to 590 when Israel sealed the crossings in February, families burning trash to cook whatever arrives, children frozen to death last winter for lack of shelter materials Israel would not allow in.

The Yellow Line, the boundary of Israeli control drawn by the ceasefire, keeps moving west, swallowing water points and clinics, with Palestinians killed for approaching a line that approaches them. More than 986 Palestinians have been killed since the “ceasefire” was signed in October 2025.

Amid the expanding Israeli military incursions record levels of settler violence, and impending annexations , the overwhelming majority of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are fiercely resisting displacement , viewing it as a permanent severing from their homeland .

The writer is a Palestinian author, researcher and freelance journalist and contributed this article to the Jordan Times

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Arabism From The Skies?

By Capt. Osama Shaqman

Ten years ago, I ended my official flight, but I didn’t sever my connection with the skies above. When a pilot retires he doesn’t bid farewell to the sky; rather, he carries it in his memory, in his silence, in his gaze upon the earth, and in his understanding of life, people, borders, and destiny.

For over 40 years, I roared above cities, seas, deserts, and mountains. I saw the earth from a height unseen by eyes bound by the earth, and I saw the Arab world stretching from the ocean to the gulf, separated not so much by mountains or seas, but by politics, disputes, fear, and mistrust. From the skies, borders appeared as silent, lifeless lines, but on the ground, they were transformed into high walls separating brother from brother, and Arab from Arab.

From the cockpit

From the cockpit, I learned that an airplane doesn’t reach its destination through loud voices, nor through mere desire, nor through emotional impulse. It arrives when there is a clear destination, a precise plan, a harmonious crew, vigilant monitoring, mutual trust, and discipline that knows no improvisation. Likewise, nations don’t rise with slogans, nor do they weather storms with speeches, neither do they enter the future with divided decisions, conflicting visions, and a fear of their own disunity that outweighs their own weakness.

The higher I ascended in the skies, the more I felt that the Arab world is vaster than our disagreements, that Arab history is deeper than our crises, and that what unites us is far greater than what divides us. A single language resonates in our hearts, a long history of glory and suffering, a shared religion, civilization, culture, and destiny, and peoples who share similar joys and sorrows, dignity and hope. Yet, an Arab still sometimes needs a long journey to reach his brother, the borders between us remain harsher than the distances, and visas and barriers continue to turn our one nation into scattered islands in a single sea.

Today, as I look back on the years from the vantage point of life and experience, I ask myself: When will we break free from this predicament? When will we realize that division is no longer our destiny, but a costly choice? When will we understand that the world does not wait for the weak, and that nations that fail to unite around their own interests will find themselves vulnerable to the interests of others?

We have seen many Western nations unite after long wars, after bloodshed, conflict, and devastation. They learned from their pain, opening borders, unifying markets, bringing universities closer together, and facilitating the movement of people, ideas, and goods. Yet we, possessing bonds what others lack, still hesitate before taking a step that should be natural: which is that for every Arab to feel at home in any Arab land.

I am not advocating for the abolition of homelands; for every homeland is a memory, a dignity, a flag, and a legacy of martyrs. But I call for a broader Arab horizon, for unity of interests, economic integration, educational continuity, research cooperation, open borders, and respect for the sovereignty of each nation, without this sovereignty becoming isolation or estrangement.

Two wings of a single plane

Algeria remains Algeria, Egypt remains Egypt, Jordan remains Jordan, Morocco remains Morocco, Iraq remains Iraq, the Levant remains the Levant, and the Gulf remains the Gulf; but the entire Arab nation can be the two wings of a single plane, not scattered parts of a structure that has lost its ability to take off.

From the skies, I learned that the greatest danger is not the storm, but the loss of direction. A plane may face fierce winds, may fly through dark clouds, may be rocked in the heart of the sky, but it survives if the compass remains working and if the pilot knows where he wants to land. A nation that loses its compass, however, may possess wealth, population, and history, but it remains adrift in a turbulent sky without a clear destination.

Our compass today must be clear: Knowledge before noise, action before slogans, dignity before fear, unity before division, and humanity before narrow calculations. No nation can rise without investing in the minds of its children, and no people can progress while limiting their horizons to the dreams of their youth.

O Arab nation, we have waited too long in the hall of history. It is time for us to leave our seats of waiting and allow the plane of renaissance to take off. We lack neither fuel, for our resources are abundant; nor a runway, for our land is vast; nor history, for our past is glorious. What we lack is resolve, courage, and the confidence that we can be together without one of us negating the other.

Open the borders between minds first, and the borders between nations will follow. Open universities to Arab students, markets to Arab labor, hospitals to Arab people, libraries to Arab researchers, airports to Arab travelers, and hearts to Arab trust. A nation that fears its own children will not be respected by others, and a nation that closes its doors to itself will not enter the future through its widest gates.

I retired from flying 10 years ago, but I did not retire from dreaming. I still believe that this nation is capable of rising if it is true to itself, rises above its petty differences, and understands that the heavens do not recognize the borders created by fear.

From the memory of 40 years in the skies, I say with the sincerity of age and experience: The Arab nation is not poor in potential, but rather poor in resolve. It is not weak in its essence, but rather weakened by fragmentation. It is not incapable of taking off, but it needs someone to unify its direction, awaken its confidence, and open the runway to the future.

So when will we leave the land of division?

When will we break the chains of fear?

When will we open our borders as the heavens have opened their gates to us?

A nation created to have two wings cannot remain with one wing broken. The land I saw from the skies is one, and hearts deserve to see it as well: One in dignity, one in destiny, one in the dream.

This article was first published in the Jo24  Arabic website and reprinted in crossfirearabia.com.

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