Israel is No Friend! A Gulf After Doha Strike

By Ali Bakir

For decades, Arab public opinion has held a negative view of both Israel and Iran, widely regarding them as the primary sources of regional threat and instability. This perception has been rooted in the belief that both powers, in their pursuit of expanded influence, indirectly served each other’s agendas by fueling conflict in the Arab world. In contrast, Arab governments, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, traditionally prioritized their survival, focusing their threat assessments on geographically proximate dangers such as Iran, terrorism, and regional instability. However, a significant transformation is underway, with a US-backed Israel increasingly becoming the central figure in a more complex and broadened threat perception.

This shift is driven by Israel’s unrestricted regional military actions, which are perceived as fanatic and religiously motivated, coupled with what the Gulf states view as unreliable security guarantees from the United States. In this sense, the Israeli airstrike on Doha, Qatar in September 2025, marked a watershed moment, profoundly reshaping the threat perception for the GCC states.

Traditionally, some GCC nations viewed Israel through a dual strategic lens; as a key to stronger relations with the United States, or as a potential tacit partner against the threat posed by Iran. Israel consistently leveraged these perceptions to advance its political interests in the Gulf and the wider Arab region. However, as the Arab Gulf countries have solidified their political influence in the US and Iran has weakened, the strategic necessity of a partnership with Israel has waned, rendering even tacit partnership with Tel Aviv unfavorable.

This evolving dynamic has been further amplified by Israel’s aggressive and expansionist agenda, which appears intent on reshaping the Middle East and establishing Israeli hegemony over the Arab nations. In this context, the attack on Qatar – the first direct Israeli assault on a GCC member state, resulting in the killing of a GCC citizen by Israel within the Gulf – constituted a paradigm shift. The fact that Qatar, a key US ally and host to the largest American military installation in the Middle East, was the target, has altered the GCC’s threat calculus. This has challenged the long-held focus on Iran as the principal existential threat, not from a newfound trust in Tehran, but from a pragmatic reassessment of Israel’s increasingly unrestrained military actions that threaten to throw the entire region into chaos.  

Emergence of Israel as a direct threat

In the words of Majed al-Ansari, spokesperson for Qatar’s Foreign Ministry and adviser to the prime minister, the attack on Qatar “has changed the region forever. Our region post September 9 is not the same region as it was before.” This sentiment reflects a significant change in the GCC’s threat perception, moving from a traditional, state-centric focus on Iran and non-state actors to a broader and multi-layered understanding of regional security. Israel’s actions have introduced a dangerous new variable, shifting the primary concern from a potential nuclear-armed Iran to an increasingly assertive and militarily dominant Israel willing to violate the sovereignty of neighboring states with impunity. This new threat perception is characterized by several key elements.

First, there is a growing apprehension among the GCC states regarding Israel’s hegemonic ambitions. Its military operations in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and now the Gulf, are seen as part of a broader strategy to establish itself as the undisputed regional power, compelling Arab nations to submit to its radical, religiously driven expansionist agenda. This directly challenges the sovereignty, strategic autonomy, and governing legitimacy of the GCC states. After decades of being urged by the West to embrace moderation, these nations now find themselves confronting a US-backed, religiously motivated Israel.

Second, the war on Gaza and the ongoing genocide against Palestinian civilians have inflamed global public opinion. While public sentiment may not directly influence governance in the Gulf, it remains a crucial factor in maintaining the legitimacy and stability of the ruling families. Israel’s crossing of all red lines – destabilizing even the governments of countries with normalized relations like Egypt and Jordan, and now targeting GCC members – has created fertile ground for internal unrest, pressuring these governments.

Third, Israel’s aggressive regional posture poses a direct threat to the GCC’s ambitious economic diversification plans. The long-term stability essential for attracting foreign investment and fostering thriving tourism and service sectors is fundamentally undermined by the constant threat of regional conflict. Israel’s actions have drawn the GCC countries into regional chaos, forcing them to bear the financial burden of its hegemonic ambitions. This has fundamentally altered their perception of Israel, which is now seen as a direct threat to their governments, economies, and regional interests.  

Reassessing US security umbrella

The Doha strike has brought the reliability and credibility of the US security umbrella – long considered the cornerstone of Gulf security – into sharp question again. The United States’ unwillingness to prevent an attack on a key ally has instilled a profound sense of vulnerability, urging a reassessment of the value of its security guarantees.

This has led to a growing consensus among the GCC states that they can no longer solely depend on the United States for their security. For some time, these nations have been diversifying their defense and security partnerships, engaging with other regional and international actors, and exploring ways to create a more independent regional security architecture. This does not signal a complete rupture with the US, but rather a strategic pivot towards a more multi-aligned foreign policy.

This evolving threat perception is expected to have a significant impact on the GCC’s defense spending priorities and foreign policy alignments. The Gulf states are likely to adopt more assertive and independent foreign policies, ones less beholden to US interests. This will involve hedging, strengthening regional alliances, engaging in more direct diplomacy with Iran, and taking a more proactive role in shaping the regional security agenda. The primary objective is to deter Israel from normalizing attacks on GCC countries or dragging them into a wider regional conflict.

Reports indicate that GCC states have already increased their military spending in the wake of the Qatar strikes. This trend is expected to continue, with a focus on acquiring advanced air defense systems, counter-drone technologies, cyber capabilities, and other tools to deter and defend against potential Israeli aggression. In parallel, the GCC states are moving away from their near-total reliance on US military hardware and are actively seeking to diversify their defense and security partnerships. While China and Russia have been suggested as key players in the diversification, recent data indicates that countries like Türkiye are emerging as significant partners in the GCC’s diversification strategies.

While the path forward is fraught with challenges, one thing is certain: The old paradigms of Gulf security are no longer tenable. Israel has emerged as a dominant and disruptive actor in the new threat perception of the GCC states.

The author is an assistant professor of international affairs, security, and defense at Qatar University and a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington.

  • CrossFireArabia

    CrossFireArabia

    Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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    The investigation, published ahead of the 59th anniversary of the war and authored by Adam Raz, a researcher at the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research, is based on previously unpublished soldiers’ testimonies, military records, government correspondence and archival material.

    According to the report, approximately 300,000 Arabs were expelled or displaced from the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights during and after the June 1967 war.

    Haaretz said many of the testimonies originated from discussions held among Israeli soldiers in kibbutzim, Israel’s collective farming communities, shortly after the war. While some excerpts later appeared in the influential 1967 book, The Seventh Day: Soldiers Talk about the Six-Day War, numerous accounts describing alleged war crimes remained unpublished for decades.

    Several testimonies cited by the newspaper describe killings of prisoners, civilians and refugees. One soldier was quoted as saying: “At first I wasn’t willing to execute Arabs who weren’t resisting. Then we came to the conclusion that we had to kill.”

    Another soldier described operations in Gaza after the war, saying: “Human lives didn’t matter. You could kill, there was no law. No one would say a word to you.”

    A third testimony referred to what the soldier described as “punitive expeditions” in Gaza’s refugee camps. “We caught guys, lined them up and eliminated them. In retrospect, it looks like murder,” he said.

    Shoot-at-sight orders for West Bank returnees

    The report also cites testimonies and archival documents alleging that Israeli forces were ordered to prevent Palestinians who had fled across the Jordan River from returning to the West Bank after the fighting ended.

    According to Haaretz, soldiers received instructions to shoot people attempting to cross back into the territory.

    The newspaper cited testimony later published by former Israeli lawmaker Uri Avnery, who quoted a soldier as saying troops had received orders to “shoot, to kill, without prior warning.”

    Another soldier recalled questioning whether such orders applied even if families with children were crossing the river. According to the testimony, he asked: “If I hear babies crying, should I shoot then too?” and was told: “Don’t be a girl.”

    Haaretz said military records indicated that by early September 1967, nearly 150 Palestinians had been killed while attempting to return from Jordan. The newspaper also cited statements by senior Israeli military officials acknowledging the existence of orders aimed at preventing refugee returns.

    According to the investigation, displacement during the war was not solely the result of battlefield conditions. The report cites government discussions and military documents suggesting that senior Israeli political and military leaders viewed the departure of Arab residents as desirable and, in some cases, encouraged or facilitated it.

    Among the most prominent examples highlighted by the report was the expulsion of residents from the Latrun villages of Imwas, Yalo and Beit Nuba west of Jerusalem. The villages were captured during the war and their approximately 8,000 residents were ordered to leave, according to the investigation.

    Haaretz reported that the villages were subsequently demolished and their inhabitants prevented from returning. The area later became the site of Canada Park.

    ‘Population transfer’

    The newspaper also cited testimony from Ishai Amrami, a deputy battalion commander during the war, who later described what he witnessed as “an attempt at massive population transfer.”

    The investigation further details events in Qalqilya and other communities near the Green Line, where residents were allegedly encouraged or forced to leave through military pressure, loudspeaker announcements, transportation arrangements and destruction of homes.

    According to the report, tens of thousands of Palestinians also fled or were displaced from refugee camps in the Jericho area and elsewhere in the West Bank. Many carried memories of the 1948 Nakba and feared another permanent displacement.

    The report revisits events in Gaza as well, where soldiers described raids, arrests and killings in refugee camps after the war. One soldier was quoted as saying: “We would roam through refugee camps in Gaza and carry out purges.”

    Another testimony stated: “Every man we saw was a combatant,” while acknowledging that civilians may also have been among those killed.

    Beyond the Palestinian territories, Haaretz reported that approximately 120,000 Syrians left or were expelled from the Golan Heights after Israeli forces captured the territory from Syria.

    The newspaper cited military documents and testimonies indicating that villages in the Golan Heights were later demolished to prevent residents from returning. According to the report, Israeli commander Elad Peled later described a decision to bring in bulldozers and destroy villages “so there would be nowhere to return.”

    Haaretz also cited reports submitted by Syria to the United Nations and records from the International Committee of the Red Cross alleging intimidation, forced displacement, looting and destruction of civilian property in the occupied territory.

    Israel warned of legal repercussions

    The investigation further describes what it says was widespread looting in areas captured during the war. According to the report, soldiers, civilians and local authorities participated in the removal of property from Palestinian and Syrian homes, schools, businesses and public institutions.

    Among the documents cited is a previously unpublished 1967 letter by Theodor Meron, then legal adviser to Israel’s Foreign Ministry. According to Haaretz, Meron warned that expulsions of civilians constituted “a serious violation of the Geneva Convention” and could create diplomatic complications for Israel.

    The report says Israeli officials were aware of legal concerns surrounding the expulsions but nevertheless approved measures aimed at preventing displaced populations from returning and consolidating control over newly occupied territories.

    The Six-Day War began on June 5, 1967, and ended with Israel capturing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. While Israel later returned Sinai to Egypt under the 1979 peace treaty, it continues to occupy the West Bank and the Golan Heights.

    For Palestinians, the conflict is remembered as the Naksa, or setback, which triggered a new wave of displacement nearly two decades after the 1948 Nakba and remains a defining event in collective Palestinian memory. Anadolu

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