Israel Will Not Defeat The Spirit of Jabalia

“Jabalia camp will not fall.” This is just one phrase the steadfast Palestinians in the Jabalia refugee camp wrote on the walls of the houses destroyed by the Israeli war machine over a year of genocide. They insist on staying on their refusal to be displaced under the guns of a third military operation that is today continued relentlessly.

Artillery shells are raining down on the camp from all sides. Jabalia residents are rushing with whatever luggage they can carry, or rather the remnants of their belongings which they lost over the course of a year of genocide, searching for a safe place and shelter that is nowhere to be found.

Gunpowder

Amidst the pain, the camp’s steadfast residents breathe air saturated with gunpowder from rockets and shells but they remain, refusing to submit to forced evacuation orders and attempt to displace them. They say the Israeli occupation will not drive them off the land.

Yousef Abu Qamar insists on staying in the northern Gaza Strip, refusing to leave the camp. He is currently residing in a tent he set up in one of the shelters and says he will not leave Jabalia even if it costs him his life, despite losing his home and dozens of relatives during this ongoing genocidal war on the Strip.

Abu Qamar is staying inside a displacement tent with his wife and children in one of the UNRWA schools, along with hundreds of residents of Jabalia camp who refuse to leave, despite the dangers to their lives and Israeli siege.

He adds the occupation is doing its military best to force them to move to the southern Gaza Strip after a year of steadfastness in the north, “despite the great destruction that befell the camp and our loss of our homes and livelihoods, and the famine  we lived under for months and that is being repeated today.”

No safe areas

Abu Qamar says the Israeli occupation army’s call for displacement as an attempt to delude the camp residents into believing there are safe areas in the southern Gaza Strip but the reality is the opposite, as they bombed the tents of the displaced in Mawasi Khan Yunis and Deir al-Balah, and invaded Rafah, which they claimed was a “safe humanitarian area”.

“If we must die, let us die in the camp that has always embraced us in which we have lived, and which has lived in us. Where do we go amidst the devastation that is everywhere? What we rejected at the beginning of the war, we will not accept now,” he added.

On 6 October, 2024, the Israeli army announced the start of a ground military operation in Jabalia, under the pretext of preventing the Palestinian resistance from regaining its strength in the area, hours after the start of a fierce attack on the eastern and western areas of the northern Gaza Strip, including Jabalia and the most violent since last May.

This is the third ground operation carried out by the Israeli occupation army in the Jabalia camp since 7 October, 2023, where hundreds were killed and injured in aerial and artillery bombardment and gunfire inside the camp, in addition to the destruction and burning of hundreds of homes.

Generals’ Pan

With the launch of the new military operation the occupation army began displacing Palestinians from three towns in north Gaza in a move that appears to be an undeclared implementation of what the media has called the “Generals’ Plan,” to empty the northern Gaza Strip and impose a strict siege on it in preparation for settlement with Israeli colonialists.

The “Generals’ Plan” was unveiled in early September, and calls for displacing all Palestinians from the northern Gaza in a week before imposing a siege on the area and giving Palestinian fighters there the choice of death or surrender.

The Israeli government has not announced its adoption of the plan, but the KAN official Broadcasting Channel reported in September that the Ministerial Cabinet for Political and Security Affairs is discussing this plan.

Ghazi Al-Kafarna shares the insistence of his other camp residents to remain in his home despite the destruction of large parts of it. He believes leaving the camp will not provide him with safety or assistance, saying it will not solve the crisis but increase their suffering.

He says that leaving the northern Gaza Strip to the south means death, and not necessarily by missiles. Since the beginning of the war, we have witnessed various forms of death from diseases, epidemics and water pollution, stressing he does not trust the “unsafe” displacement paths determined by the occupation army and the fact the south is not prepared to receive new numbers of displaced people.

Al-Kafarna adds: “It is true we are suffering from near-famine due to the severe shortage of food and lack of vegetables, even if their prices are astronomical, but going to the south means living in tents we do not know for how long plus the south is not prepared to receive new displaced people.”

‘We are staying’

He believes the occupation army relies on the principle of putting military pressure on the Jabalia residents to force them to flee under intense firepower. He pointed out however, this policy has proven its failure, and proof of that is the insistence of people of staying even if they are wrecked.

Thousands of residents of northern Gaza have clung to their homes and brushed aside displaced to the south since 14 October, 2023, when the occupation army issued the first forced evacuation order to them.

Of the 1.2 million people who used to live in the Gaza and North Governorates, there are currently about 700,000 people who have refused to be displaced to the southern Gaza Strip, according to official Palestinian data.

Jabalia Camp has always represented the palm facing the Israeli needle since the years of the first Intifada in 1978. It was the spark that ignited all of the Palestinian territories and erupted to mobilize against occupation.

Days of Rage

In the year 2000 Al-Aqsa Intifada Jabalia Camp witnessed fierce battles, including the “Days of Rage” battle in 2004, in which the enemy tried to storm the camp, but withdrew in defeat after a 17-day battle. This is the battle in which Sheikh Nizar led the fighters to the front lines through his historic statement: “They [Israeli troops] will not enter our camp, meaning they will not enter our camp.”

Today, a year after the Al-Aqsa Flood and attempts to break the resistance in Jabalia, the camp, covering ​​one-and-a-half square kilometers, returns like a phoenix from the ashes to resist a third Israeli military encroachment to remove its residents.

In its first ground attack on the camp on 27 October, 2023, the occupation forces launched thousands of raids and opened the gates of hell with “preliminary fire” on the stubborn camp, most of whose residents refused to leave.

On 12 May, 2024, the occupation army launched a violent attack on Jabalia from several axes, and sent three armored battalions to carry out the mission it had always failed at, thinking that after all these months of crushing and starvation, the camp would kneel and raise the white flag.

Powerful, steadfast

But what happened was that stubborn Jabalia proved once again it was the most powerful and steadfast front in this battle, to the point that the squadrons of helicopters that came to evacuate the dead and wounded soldiers hovered profusely over the skies of the camp throughout those days.

This legendary steadfastness was not built on a sea of ​​sand. Since its inception in 1948 by refugees who sought refuge there after the Nakba, it has been a focal area for the fedayeen who joined the training camps of the “Palestinian Liberation Army” in the 1960s, as hundreds of young men from Jabalia camp rushed to join and participated in fedayeen operations inside the armistice line and the battles of the June 1967 war, as confirmed by Saeed Ziyad, researcher in Palestinian affairs.

The Arab defeat and the occupation of all of Palestine and a large part of the Arab lands did not deter those fedayeen from resisting and joining the new resistance groups that kept the enemy awake and inflicted heavy losses on it. The peak of these operations was between 1968 and 1972, when the then Israeli Minister of the Occupation Army, Ariel Sharon, carried out large-scale targeting on the fedayeen, and demolished a large number of homes in the camp to attempt to crush the armed resistance against the occupation where the enemy tried to raze the camp and displace its people through a large-scale operation that lasted for four years, and ended in abject failure.

Today, the stubborn camp is reformulating its resistance identity well-known in past decades, so that its heirs today continue to write “Long live the camp…long live the invincible spirit of Jabalia.”

This article was translated/edited from the Palestine Information Center.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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