Israel Will Not Defeat The Spirit of Jabalia

“Jabalia camp will not fall.” This is just one phrase the steadfast Palestinians in the Jabalia refugee camp wrote on the walls of the houses destroyed by the Israeli war machine over a year of genocide. They insist on staying on their refusal to be displaced under the guns of a third military operation that is today continued relentlessly.

Artillery shells are raining down on the camp from all sides. Jabalia residents are rushing with whatever luggage they can carry, or rather the remnants of their belongings which they lost over the course of a year of genocide, searching for a safe place and shelter that is nowhere to be found.

Gunpowder

Amidst the pain, the camp’s steadfast residents breathe air saturated with gunpowder from rockets and shells but they remain, refusing to submit to forced evacuation orders and attempt to displace them. They say the Israeli occupation will not drive them off the land.

Yousef Abu Qamar insists on staying in the northern Gaza Strip, refusing to leave the camp. He is currently residing in a tent he set up in one of the shelters and says he will not leave Jabalia even if it costs him his life, despite losing his home and dozens of relatives during this ongoing genocidal war on the Strip.

Abu Qamar is staying inside a displacement tent with his wife and children in one of the UNRWA schools, along with hundreds of residents of Jabalia camp who refuse to leave, despite the dangers to their lives and Israeli siege.

He adds the occupation is doing its military best to force them to move to the southern Gaza Strip after a year of steadfastness in the north, “despite the great destruction that befell the camp and our loss of our homes and livelihoods, and the famine  we lived under for months and that is being repeated today.”

No safe areas

Abu Qamar says the Israeli occupation army’s call for displacement as an attempt to delude the camp residents into believing there are safe areas in the southern Gaza Strip but the reality is the opposite, as they bombed the tents of the displaced in Mawasi Khan Yunis and Deir al-Balah, and invaded Rafah, which they claimed was a “safe humanitarian area”.

“If we must die, let us die in the camp that has always embraced us in which we have lived, and which has lived in us. Where do we go amidst the devastation that is everywhere? What we rejected at the beginning of the war, we will not accept now,” he added.

On 6 October, 2024, the Israeli army announced the start of a ground military operation in Jabalia, under the pretext of preventing the Palestinian resistance from regaining its strength in the area, hours after the start of a fierce attack on the eastern and western areas of the northern Gaza Strip, including Jabalia and the most violent since last May.

This is the third ground operation carried out by the Israeli occupation army in the Jabalia camp since 7 October, 2023, where hundreds were killed and injured in aerial and artillery bombardment and gunfire inside the camp, in addition to the destruction and burning of hundreds of homes.

Generals’ Pan

With the launch of the new military operation the occupation army began displacing Palestinians from three towns in north Gaza in a move that appears to be an undeclared implementation of what the media has called the “Generals’ Plan,” to empty the northern Gaza Strip and impose a strict siege on it in preparation for settlement with Israeli colonialists.

The “Generals’ Plan” was unveiled in early September, and calls for displacing all Palestinians from the northern Gaza in a week before imposing a siege on the area and giving Palestinian fighters there the choice of death or surrender.

The Israeli government has not announced its adoption of the plan, but the KAN official Broadcasting Channel reported in September that the Ministerial Cabinet for Political and Security Affairs is discussing this plan.

Ghazi Al-Kafarna shares the insistence of his other camp residents to remain in his home despite the destruction of large parts of it. He believes leaving the camp will not provide him with safety or assistance, saying it will not solve the crisis but increase their suffering.

He says that leaving the northern Gaza Strip to the south means death, and not necessarily by missiles. Since the beginning of the war, we have witnessed various forms of death from diseases, epidemics and water pollution, stressing he does not trust the “unsafe” displacement paths determined by the occupation army and the fact the south is not prepared to receive new numbers of displaced people.

Al-Kafarna adds: “It is true we are suffering from near-famine due to the severe shortage of food and lack of vegetables, even if their prices are astronomical, but going to the south means living in tents we do not know for how long plus the south is not prepared to receive new displaced people.”

‘We are staying’

He believes the occupation army relies on the principle of putting military pressure on the Jabalia residents to force them to flee under intense firepower. He pointed out however, this policy has proven its failure, and proof of that is the insistence of people of staying even if they are wrecked.

Thousands of residents of northern Gaza have clung to their homes and brushed aside displaced to the south since 14 October, 2023, when the occupation army issued the first forced evacuation order to them.

Of the 1.2 million people who used to live in the Gaza and North Governorates, there are currently about 700,000 people who have refused to be displaced to the southern Gaza Strip, according to official Palestinian data.

Jabalia Camp has always represented the palm facing the Israeli needle since the years of the first Intifada in 1978. It was the spark that ignited all of the Palestinian territories and erupted to mobilize against occupation.

Days of Rage

In the year 2000 Al-Aqsa Intifada Jabalia Camp witnessed fierce battles, including the “Days of Rage” battle in 2004, in which the enemy tried to storm the camp, but withdrew in defeat after a 17-day battle. This is the battle in which Sheikh Nizar led the fighters to the front lines through his historic statement: “They [Israeli troops] will not enter our camp, meaning they will not enter our camp.”

Today, a year after the Al-Aqsa Flood and attempts to break the resistance in Jabalia, the camp, covering ​​one-and-a-half square kilometers, returns like a phoenix from the ashes to resist a third Israeli military encroachment to remove its residents.

In its first ground attack on the camp on 27 October, 2023, the occupation forces launched thousands of raids and opened the gates of hell with “preliminary fire” on the stubborn camp, most of whose residents refused to leave.

On 12 May, 2024, the occupation army launched a violent attack on Jabalia from several axes, and sent three armored battalions to carry out the mission it had always failed at, thinking that after all these months of crushing and starvation, the camp would kneel and raise the white flag.

Powerful, steadfast

But what happened was that stubborn Jabalia proved once again it was the most powerful and steadfast front in this battle, to the point that the squadrons of helicopters that came to evacuate the dead and wounded soldiers hovered profusely over the skies of the camp throughout those days.

This legendary steadfastness was not built on a sea of ​​sand. Since its inception in 1948 by refugees who sought refuge there after the Nakba, it has been a focal area for the fedayeen who joined the training camps of the “Palestinian Liberation Army” in the 1960s, as hundreds of young men from Jabalia camp rushed to join and participated in fedayeen operations inside the armistice line and the battles of the June 1967 war, as confirmed by Saeed Ziyad, researcher in Palestinian affairs.

The Arab defeat and the occupation of all of Palestine and a large part of the Arab lands did not deter those fedayeen from resisting and joining the new resistance groups that kept the enemy awake and inflicted heavy losses on it. The peak of these operations was between 1968 and 1972, when the then Israeli Minister of the Occupation Army, Ariel Sharon, carried out large-scale targeting on the fedayeen, and demolished a large number of homes in the camp to attempt to crush the armed resistance against the occupation where the enemy tried to raze the camp and displace its people through a large-scale operation that lasted for four years, and ended in abject failure.

Today, the stubborn camp is reformulating its resistance identity well-known in past decades, so that its heirs today continue to write “Long live the camp…long live the invincible spirit of Jabalia.”

This article was translated/edited from the Palestine Information Center.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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NAZA: When Israel’s Killing Machine Speaks in Its Own Voice

CROSSFIREARABIA – There are documentaries that expose a war by showing its victims, and there are films that attempt something altogether different: Entering the machinery that produces those victims.

NAZA, the disturbing new documentary by Israeli filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, belongs firmly to the second category.

Premiered at the Venice International Film Festival on 10 September, NAZA does not principally take its cameras into Gaza’s shattered streets, hospitals or tent camps. Instead, Abraham and Szor turn their cameras towards Israel — specifically towards 24 Israeli intelligence officers and soldiers who participated in the systems of surveillance, target selection and killing that have shaped Israel’s war in Gaza.

It is this inversion that makes NAZA potentially one of the most consequential films yet made about the Gaza war.

The Palestinians are overwhelmingly the people who die. But for most of the film, the camera remains on the other side of the border, among people who helped determine who would be targeted and how.

The result, according to Peter Bradshaw’s review in The Guardian, is a profoundly unsettling film that casts a “chilling light” on what has happened in Gaza. The Guardian is not merely reviewing the documentary: it produced NAZA, which grew out of investigations undertaken by the newspaper together with the Israeli-Palestinian publication +972 Magazine and the Hebrew-language Local Call between 2023 and 2025.

A word that turns civilians into numbers

The horror begins with the title.

“NAZA” is described by the filmmakers as an Israeli military term for the civilian casualties expected in an attack.

Before a bomb falls, in other words, civilians may already exist inside the targeting calculation as a number.

This is perhaps the film’s most disturbing proposition because it moves the argument beyond the familiar dispute over whether civilians were accidentally killed during attacks on Hamas targets. NAZA asks a more uncomfortable question: What happens when civilian deaths become incorporated into the architecture of targeting itself?

The Israeli witnesses describe systems in which intelligence, artificial intelligence, mass surveillance and enormous quantities of personal data are combined to identify suspected targets.

According to testimony presented in the film, computer systems analysed telephone behaviour and other information to identify people suspected of connections to Hamas. Targets could then be attacked at their homes, sometimes at night, despite the presence of their families.

One witness refers to an error rate of around 15 percent. Another describes an expected “Naza” figure of roughly 20 civilians for an operation.

Other testimony goes considerably further.

The Guardian’s investigation accompanying the film reports accounts of neighbourhoods being destroyed even when Israeli forces estimated that significant numbers of residents remained inside, civilian homes being systematically burned and Palestinians being killed around food-distribution areas.

The effect is to transform the vocabulary of “collateral damage.” Collateral damage ordinarily suggests something unintended. NAZA suggests calculation.

The horror is 60 kilometres away

Abraham and Szor make an inspired visual decision.

The interviews take place at night on rooftops in Tel Aviv.

The witnesses’ identities must be protected. Faces remain largely in darkness and appearances and voices are digitally altered. Yet behind these anonymous figures another character gradually emerges: Tel Aviv itself.

Apartments glow.

Traffic moves.

People continue their ordinary lives.

And Gaza is only about 60 kilometres away.

Bradshaw draws particular attention to this juxtaposition in his Guardian review. The camera periodically leaves the intelligence officers and wanders across Tel Aviv’s illuminated apartment buildings, observing fragments of comfortable civilian existence while another civilian population, almost within geographical touching distance, has been subjected to extraordinary destruction.

This distance is central to NAZA.

Modern warfare permits killing without proximity.

The person gathering intelligence does not necessarily see the family beneath the bomb. The analyst studies a screen. An algorithm produces possibilities. Someone approves a target. Someone else presses another button.

Each individual performs one function. The system performs the killing.

It is therefore significant that Abraham and Szor say their film is not primarily concerned with individual “rogue soldiers.” Their subject is something larger: the orders, procedures, assumptions and language through which extraordinary violence becomes ordinary institutional activity.

They call it the story of “the system and its cogs.” 

That may ultimately be the most important sentence attached to the film.

Not monsters, but technicians

One of NAZA’s unsettling qualities appears to be the ordinariness of the people speaking.

These are not cinematic villains.

They are technicians, intelligence officers and educated professionals. Some appear troubled by what they participated in. Others describe operations with a detachment that is arguably more disturbing than anger or hatred would have been.

One interviewee describes the experience as resembling a video game. Another recalls surveillance of two young sisters used to determine when their father, a suspected Hamas operative, was home. According to Screen Daily’s account of the film, an attack subsequently killed the girls and other members of the family — while the intended target was apparently not there. (Screen DailyError! Filename not specified.)

This is where NAZA enters territory familiar from Jonathan Glazer’s The Zone of Interest.

The connection is not accidental: Glazer is an executive producer of NAZA, alongside a production team associated with that Oscar-winning film.

The Zone of Interest explored horror through normality: Auschwitz existed beside a family home in which people gardened, ate meals and raised children.

NAZA constructs a contemporary and inevitably controversial echo.

Tel Aviv sleeps.

Screens glow.

Analysts work.

Gaza burns.

The significance of Israeli testimony

There is another reason this documentary matters.

Palestinians have described the destruction of Gaza since October 2023 in extraordinary detail. Palestinian journalists have filmed dead children, flattened neighbourhoods, destroyed hospitals, displaced families and mass graves.

Palestinian testimony has never been absent.

The uncomfortable question is why another form of testimony — that of Israelis participating in the system — may carry greater weight with Western audiences.

Abraham and Szor themselves appear conscious of the contradiction.

They do not claim Israelis are required to reveal what Palestinians have somehow failed to reveal. The destruction is already visible. Instead, NAZA tries to document the institutional mechanisms behind what everyone can see.

This distinction matters.

The film is less concerned with proving that Gaza was destroyed than explaining how destruction became administratively possible.

The 24 witnesses describe the infrastructure behind the explosion: intelligence databases, surveillance, algorithms, targeting procedures, permissible civilian casualty calculations and the bureaucratic division of responsibility.

It is the anatomy of remote warfare.

From

No Other Land to NAZA

Abraham and Szor are particularly interesting filmmakers because NAZA follows directly from No Other Land, which they made with Palestinian filmmakers Basel Adra and Hamdan Ballal.

That film documented the destruction and displacement confronting Palestinian communities in Masafer Yatta in the occupied West Bank and won the 2025 Academy Award for best documentary.

The directors themselves see continuity between the two works.

In No Other Land, they have said, the filmmakers documented individual demolitions and acts of violence in order to reveal the larger structure behind them. In NAZA, the approach is similar: collect individual testimonies until the architecture of the system becomes visible.

But NAZA goes somewhere darker.

The West Bank film largely observed what occupation does to people.

The Gaza film asks the people operating the machinery to explain how it works.

The film’s weakness

Bradshaw nevertheless identifies an important problem.

All 24 witnesses are anonymous.

There are compelling reasons for this. They could face serious professional, legal and personal consequences. The filmmakers reportedly spent considerable effort technologically disguising their identities, and completion of that anonymisation process was one reason the film was announced unusually late for Venice.

Yet anonymity inevitably weakens testimony.

The viewer cannot independently judge who these people are, what positions they held or how much direct knowledge they possessed.

Bradshaw argues that having nobody prepared to attach a name and face to the allegations reduces their evidentiary impact, even while acknowledging the danger they would face by doing so.

It is a legitimate criticism.

Yet the cumulative nature of the film appears designed partly to answer it. There is not one anonymous voice but two dozen of them, while many of the systems they describe were previously investigated journalistically.

The film therefore asks to be judged not as a collection of isolated confessions but as a mosaic.

Where the Guardian review becomes debatable

There is one element of Bradshaw’s otherwise powerful review that deserves scrutiny.

When one of the Israeli interviewees reaches for an analogy with Nazism, Bradshaw resists it. Gaza, he argues, should not be equated with the Holocaust, suggesting Dresden as a more historically appropriate comparison.

His caution is understandable. Historical analogies can illuminate, but they can also flatten fundamentally different events. Yet perhaps the more interesting point is not whether Gaza “is” Auschwitz, Dresden or anything else.

It is who raises the comparison.

The discomfort comes from an Israeli participant in the military system looking back at European history and then looking at his own actions.

The film need not settle that comparison. The fact that an insider feels compelled to ask the question is itself part of the testimony.

A documentary about distance

Ultimately, NAZA appears to be about several kinds of distance. There is the physical distance between Tel Aviv and Gaza. There is technological distance between the person operating a computer and the human being beneath an aircraft. There is bureaucratic distance between collecting intelligence and dropping a bomb.

There is linguistic distance between saying “civilian” and saying “Naza.”

And there is moral distance — the extraordinary ability of a modern society to continue eating dinner, watching television and going to work while devastating violence is being inflicted only kilometres away.

That is why the nighttime Tel Aviv setting may be the film’s most effective image. The lights continue burning in the apartments. The intelligence officers sit in darkness. And beyond the horizon lies Gaza.

When the perpetrators provide the evidence

NAZA will inevitably generate political controversy. Some will challenge the testimony. Others will challenge the filmmakers’ terminology and conclusions. Israel has consistently argued that it targets Hamas rather than civilians and that Hamas’s operations within populated areas place civilians in danger.

But NAZA changes the nature of that debate.

Its central witnesses are not Hamas officials, Palestinian activists or foreign campaigners. They are Israelis who say they participated in the system.

And Abraham and Szor’s achievement is apparently not to force these people into dramatic confessions but simply to allow them to describe their work.

That may explain why the film sounds so disturbing. There are no screaming interrogations.

No theatrical confrontations. No need for them. The men and women behind the screens explain the algorithms, surveillance, intelligence and calculations.

Gradually the vocabulary of technology gives way to something painfully simple.

Every “Naza” was a person. Someone’s daughter. Someone’s father. Someone asleep inside an apartment.

Someone waiting for food.

And perhaps that is the lasting importance of NAZA. After nearly three years in which Gaza’s destruction has repeatedly been presented through arguments over numbers, military necessity and proportionality, Abraham and Szor take the audience behind those numbers.

They show us the people who calculated them.

And they ask what happens to a society when human beings can first be converted into numbers — and then those numbers become acceptable.

NAZA does not merely document the devastation of Gaza. It documents the bureaucracy that made devastation possible.

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Palestinians Slam Adidas For Pro-Israel PR Campaign
  • HebaHeba
  • September 10, 2026

Two Palestinian amputee athletes from the Gaza Strip condemned the global sports equipment company Adidas for using an Israeli soldier as an advertising figure for its products, describing the move as “a blatant bias toward the Israeli killers and a whitewashing of the crimes of genocide.”

The two athletes, speaking to Anadolu, said they had decided on a “comprehensive boycott and abandonment of the company’s products” and called on the Arab and Muslim sporting community and free people around the world to support them and stop buying its products.

Former Israeli soldier Shalev Biton, who participated in the Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip in 2021, appeared in a local campaign promoting the Single Shoe service launched by Adidas.

The service allows amputees, or those who need only one shoe, to purchase it for 50% of the price of a full pair.

The campaign sparked widespread international, Arab and Palestinian discontent, amid the suffering of thousands of amputees in the Gaza Strip due to a shortage of prosthetic limbs and the raw materials needed to manufacture them.

‘Whitewashing the image of the killers’

Ahmed Abu Nar, an amputee football player in Gaza, said that Adidas, a company of its size, using an Israeli sniper who participated in the war on the Strip was “a provocative act and a deliberate attempt to whitewash the image of those committing war crimes against civilians.”

Abu Nar, who lost his left leg as a result of direct fire from an Israeli sniper, expressed his astonishment at “using an Israeli soldier to advertise and market this shoe, at a time when it could have used many other people.”

He added: “The company has expertise and specialized teams to study every step, and what happened was not a mere coincidence, but a calculated decision to ignore the victims and celebrate the killer.”

Abu Nar criticized the company’s handling of the controversy and its decision to limit the apology and removal of the advertisement to pages directed only at the Middle East, noting that “the company’s global page did not address the matter.”

Under pressure and amid calls to boycott it, the German sportswear company Adidas apologized Monday through its Arabic-language Instagram account for launching an advertising campaign featuring an Israeli soldier.

The Adidas Arabia account has relatively limited reach, with only 1.4 million followers, a figure that is dwarfed by the more than 29.6 million followers of its global account.

Abu Nar confirmed that he had made a firm decision to boycott Adidas and dispose of all its sports equipment, saying: “This decision is irreversible for us as athletes in Gaza.”

He added: “The company applies double standards, between us being victims and being exposed to death, bombing and destruction at every moment, while on the other hand they said the war had stopped, and to this day it has not stopped. On our way to the field, we are at any moment afraid that a bombing may occur.”

Since Oct. 8, 2023, Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza, leaving more than 73,000 Palestinians dead, more than 174,000 wounded, and destruction affecting 90% of the infrastructure.

Bias toward the occupation

For his part, Hassan Abu Karim, 43, a board member of the Palestine Amputee Football Association, denounced what he described as “racial discrimination and double standards” practiced by global companies in their handling of the Palestinian issue.

Abu Karim, who lost his foot to an Israeli shell in 2006 during an incursion into the Maghazi area, said: “At a time when our association has struggled since its establishment in 2018 to provide the most basic necessities, including shoes and crutches for amputee athletes, we find the global company opening its doors and providing its capabilities and sponsorship to a soldier who participated in massacres against our people.”

“This greatly affects the sporting situation in Palestine, particularly people with amputations who had been waiting for international institutions and companies to sponsor them or stand by their side,” he added.

Abu Karim, a former player for Maghazi Services Club who participated in international sporting initiatives for amputees, explained that it would be more appropriate for global companies to show solidarity with victims living under siege and bombardment and to safeguard the rights of people with disabilities.

He continued: “As an athlete, when I saw this advertisement, it became clear to me that they had ignored the suffering of people with disabilities or amputees in Gaza.”

He considered the use of the Israeli soldier as an advertising figure to be “abhorrent racial discrimination,” calling on Adidas “not to be racist and not to side with the occupation and killing.”

Abu Karim called on Arab and Muslim athletes and sporting institutions around the world to stand alongside Palestinian athletes and confront what he described as “racist policies” through a broad boycott of the company’s products until it “complies with humanitarian values and justice.”

Days after the advertisement was published, criticism escalated across social media platforms as accounts supportive of the Palestinian cause republished images of the campaign, pointing out that Biton had lost his leg while participating in the Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip in 2021.

Israel’s Channel 15 said posts that recirculated the advertisement received millions of views, while a hashtag calling for a boycott of Adidas spread, accompanied by thousands of calls to boycott the company.

Users compared the Israeli soldier with the thousands of Palestinians whose limbs had been amputated during the genocide, accusing Adidas of ignoring their suffering.

More than 5,000 amputation cases

The figures concerning amputees in the Gaza Strip reveal the extent of the contrast highlighted by Adidas’ critics.

According to World Health Organization estimates issued in May 2026, the Strip recorded between 5,161 and 6,710 limb amputations since October 2023.

The organization indicated that around 43,000 people in Gaza sustained injuries likely to permanently change their lives, including approximately 10,000 children.

It noted that the number of serious limb injuries had reached around 22,000 cases by May, while the total number of injuries at that time had reached approximately 172,000 since Oct. 8, 2023.

In a related context, figures reported by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on Aug. 14, 2026, confirmed that children account for around 18% of amputation cases in Gaza, while specialized rehabilitation services for children are unavailable in the Strip.

The suffering of amputees does not end with the loss of their limbs, as it is followed by a long process of surgical operations, physical therapy, rehabilitation and the search for a suitable prosthetic limb. Anadolu

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