Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Diving in a War Zone

By Jing Zhang

When US and Israeli forces launched strikes on Iran on 28 February, triggering one of the most serious geopolitical crises in years, the Strait of Hormuz – a narrow channel just 34 kilometres wide at its narrowest point – became a global flashpoint overnight.

Iran closed the waterway to foreign shipping, attacking merchant vessels and cutting off around 20 per cent of the world’s seaborne oil trade. Some 20,000 seafarers were stranded in the Persian Gulf. The UN Secretary-General called for an immediate ceasefire.

Beneath all of it, the fish kept swimming.

Back in the water

Three Chinese divers based in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – diving instructor Rui Li, freediver Shanshan Du and technical diver Jie Zhang – had been locked out of the water for weeks by the coastal closure. When a ceasefire allowed limited access in mid-April, they went straight back in.

World Oceans Day, marked each year on 8 June, carries the theme this year of Reimagining the Relationship Between Humans and the Ocean. For these three, that reimagining is anything but abstract.

“We were actually a little worried before setting off,” says Du, who dived the narrowest stretch between the UAE and Oman on 18 April, just days after the UN welcomed Iran’s announcement that the strait would be open to commercial vessels during the ceasefire. 

“But after more than two months, we all felt it was fantastic to be able to dive again. We encountered a large group of dolphins. There was none of the war-torn atmosphere I had imagined – only peace and beauty before my eyes.”

Zhang, who dived the area as recently as last week, describes coral diversity she has rarely encountered elsewhere – soft and hard corals varying with the topography, and sea turtles gathered in such numbers they evoked a nature reserve.

A person in a scuba diving suit and mask makes a peace sign against the ocean and blue sky.
Courtesy of Jie Zhang. Jie Zhang is back from the depths, feeling the warmth of the sun.

Troubling signs

She also noticed something more troubling. “I saw more white debris on the seabed than before,” she says, uncertain of its origin. And when she and her companions followed dolphins near the eastern side of the strait, the water around the animals was streaked with green algae, oil fumes and floating rubbish. 

“I recalled that when I used to chase dolphins, the water was blue. Seeing this scene with my own eyes is still very heartbreaking.”

Li is careful to hold both realities at once. The strait is not the world’s most biodiverse marine zone, he notes, but its complex topography sustains coral reefs of unusual variety – formations “as white as silver needles” alongside colonies “as purple as pine forests” – as well as seahorses, whale sharks and species rarely seen elsewhere.

He describes witnessing a boat captain who, unable to dive and with no other means of communication, could reliably find a pod of dolphins that seemed to recognise him. “We would greet each other and then go our separate ways,” Li says. “This place is truly magical.”

A wide bay with deep blue water, bordered by arid, rocky mountains and a small coastal settlement on the right.
©Jie Zhang Overlooking the Strait of Hormuz from the Musandam Peninsula, Oman.

Potential catastrophe

Yet he is also acutely aware of what armed conflict can do to such a place. An attack on oil storage facilities, he points out, could be catastrophic for marine life. “Many marine organisms are small and vulnerable. A single attack could be enough to wipe out some amazing species that have never been seen by humans.”

Zhang frames the underwater world’s vulnerability in blunt terms. “No one can speak for the underwater ecosystem  – fish can’t speak, and neither can large animals. 

“We dump all the disputes, wars and pollution on land onto the ocean, ignoring the fact that the ocean has no good self-protection capabilities and can only bear all the conflicts and damage caused by human activities.”

Diving has quietly dissolved certain certainties for all three. “Underwater, the ocean has no borders,” says Zhang. “Ocean currents and schools of fish move freely. When whale sharks cruise, they follow fixed routes through different countries – they are free. Humanity should share this blue world instead of tearing it apart with disputes.”

A person in a wetsuit and goggles floats in the ocean, adjusting their mask with both hands.
©Jie Zhang Rui Li makes a heart gesture to his dive buddy on the water’s surface, which also stands for “OK” in diving hand signal terms.

Mother ocean

Li reaches for a different metaphor – warmer, and perhaps more honest about the limits of human agency. The relationship between people and the sea, he suggests, is something like that between a child and a parent: the ocean sustains us, nurtures us, occasionally punishes us. 

“We have grown old enough to want to protect it, he says, yet what we can actually do remains small. “Our parents are still quietly waiting for us, helping us, and continuing to nurture us.”

Du, diving in a country where people of dozens of nationalities converge, has found that underwater, borders feel beside the point. Communication happens through gesture alone. “Because of this hobby, and because of the ocean, it has created a wonderful environment for us.”

The conflicts raging above the surface have not ended. Talks between Washington and Tehran remain fragile, conditions volatile. But 71 per cent of the Earth is ocean – and, as Li says to anyone who has yet to see it: come and touch the refreshing water whenever you can.

A school of sharks swimming in deep blue ocean water.
©Jie Zhang Madivaru Corner in the Maldives is a world-class dive site. Grey reef sharks and white-tip reef sharks are its permanent residents.

UN News

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Open War: 1967 Naksa Remembered

Every year on 5 June, Palestinians and Arabs remember the 1967 war, known as the Naksa (Setback).

This is a pivotal turning point in the history of the Palestinian cause. The war ended with the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, the Syrian Golan Heights and the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula.

This year it is the 59th anniversary of that terrible war. But the Israeli appatitite for aggression continues. Apart from its genocide on Gaza Israel has moved ahead with its settlement construction, arrests, with its military operations in the West Bank are escalating. It reflects the ongoing repercussions of the Naksa and the occupation policies that have entrenched military control and prevented a just settlement to the Palestinian question.

Six-Day War – Decades of Occupation

The war began at dawn on 5 June, 1967, with a massive Israeli air attack targeting Arab airfields and military bases. Six days later, it ended with the occupation of the remaining Palestinian territories, in addition carving up parts of Syria and Egypt.

The war’s consequences didn’t stop at altering geographical borders but also paved the way for an expansionist settlement project based on land confiscation, displacement of residents, and the imposition of new realities on the ground. These acts were in continuous violation of international law and UN resolutions that demanded an end to the occupation and withdrawal from the occupied territories.

International Resolutions: Ink on Paper

The war was followed by a series of international resolutions, most notably UN Security Council Resolution 242, which called for Israel’s withdrawal from the territories it occupied in 1967. However, the occupation continued its settlement expansion and the imposition of a fait accompli, ignoring repeated international demands to end the occupation and the respect for international law.

Over the following decades, settlements transformed from limited projects into a vast network that spread throughout the West Bank and occupied Jerusalem, undermining the prospects for establishing an independent and geographically contiguous Palestinian state.

Displacement and Settlements: Policy Since the 1967 War

The 1967 war led to the displacement of about 300,000 Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Displacement policies, land confiscation, and settlement expansion continued at an escalating pace in the years since.

Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics data shows of the existence of 645 Israeli settlement sites and military bases in the West Bank as of the end of 2025, including 151 settlements and 350 outposts.

The number of settlers also rose to 778,567 by the end of 2024, while the Israeli occupation authorities continuing to seize Palestinian land and expand their settlement projects, despite their illegality under international law.

Oslo: Political Process Stalled…

The Oslo Accords in 1993 marked a significant political milestone, stipulating a transitional phase to pave the way for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. However, the continued expansion of Israeli settlements and the imposition of facts on the ground have weakened the prospects for the success of the political process.

With successive Israeli governments, the chances for a settlement gradually diminished, and political negotiations stalled since 2014, amidst Palestinian accusations that Israel is using negotiations as a cover to continue settlement construction and seize more land.

Palestinians believe that successive Israeli policies have emptied the settlement process of its substance by reneging on signed commitments and refusing to implement the political obligations related to ending the occupation and establishing a Palestinian state.

A Military System Governing Every Detail of Palestinian Life

Following the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967, Israel imposed a system of military orders that granted it broad control over all aspects of life, from managing land and natural resources to arrests, trials, and civil laws.

The occupation authorities issued dozens of military orders that reshaped the legal system in the occupied territories, while military courts continued to try Palestinians according to procedures that international human rights organizations refuse to consider compliant with international standards of justice.

Prisoner support organizations also confirm that more than one million Palestinians have been arrested since 1967, while approximately 9,500 prisoners and detainees are currently held in Israeli prisons.

War on Gaza: An Extension of a Long Conflict

Palestinians believe that the ongoing war on the Gaza Strip, which began in October 2013, represents an extension of the occupation’s policies based on the use of military force and the imposition of facts on the ground by force, far removed from any political solutions that would end the conflict.

The war resulted in tens of thousands of martyrs and wounded, most of them women and children, in addition to thousands missing and widespread destruction of infrastructure and civilian facilities.

In the West Bank, raids, arrests, and settlement expansion continued, leading to the martyrdom of 1,168 Palestinians, injury of 12,666 others, the arrest of approximately 23,000, and the displacement of 33,000.

The Naksa Anniversary: ​​A Reality Persisting for 59 Years

Fifty-nine years after the June 1967 war, the effects of the Naksa remain present in the Palestinian landscape, through the continuation of the occupation, settlement activity, land confiscation, displacement of residents, and the stalled political settlement process.

As the anniversary is commemorated this year amidst the war in Gaza and the escalation of violence in the West Bank, Palestinians emphasize that the core of the conflict remains linked to the ongoing occupation and Israel’s refusal to implement international resolutions and fulfill its obligations. This has kept the Palestinian cause open to further crises and tensions over the past decades. Palestinian Information Center

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‘I Hate Israel’

  • By marwan
  • June 8, 2026
  • 23 views
‘I Hate Israel’