Israeli Big Guns And Bombing The Gaza Animals

Israel has destroyed nearly all animal wealth in the Gaza Strip, approximately 97 per cent, through bombing and systematic starvation, including working animals that served as the last means of transport amid fuel shortages and limited public mobility.

The destruction of animal wealth coincides with the bulldozing of thousands of acres of farmland as part of a deliberate policy to starve the population, destroy food sources, and inflict severe physical and psychological suffering, all of which are fundamental components of the ongoing crime of genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

Through the deliberate imposition of unsustainable living conditions leading to physical destruction, Israeli policies reflect a systematic and ongoing pattern of genocide. This is carried out through the destruction of food sources, livestock, and agricultural production, alongside widespread killings, an illegal blockade on the Gaza Strip, and the deliberate restriction of food supplies for nearly two years. These acts constitute a grave violation of international law and demonstrate a clear intent to destroy the Palestinian population as a protected group under the Genocide Convention.

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    More than 97 per cent of sheep and goats were destroyed, either through direct killing or death caused by genocidal conditions   

Before Israel’s genocide in the Gaza Strip in October 2023, the enclave had around 6,500 poultry farms that supplied about three million chickens to the local market each month. Now, 666 days later, over 93 per cent of these farms have been completely destroyed, and the few remaining have ceased operations entirely.

Euro-Med Monitor’s field team documented the deaths of tens of thousands of birds, either due to direct bombing or the lack of feed and water, in one of the largest systematic assaults on white meat production.

According to data collected by the field team, the Gaza Strip had approximately 15,000 cows before the genocide. More than 97 per cent were killed, either by direct bombing or starvation, while a limited number were slaughtered for food in the early months due to the lack of alternatives.

Regarding livestock, including sheep and goats, estimates indicate that the Gaza Strip had around 60,000 sheep and 10,000 goats before the genocide. Current data shows that more than 97 per cent were destroyed, either through direct killing or death caused by genocidal conditions, as part of the systematic targeting of food sources and livelihoods.

Estimates prior to the genocide indicated that the Gaza Strip had approximately 20,000 donkeys, along with several horses and mules used as working animals. By August 2024, around 43 per cent of these animals had died, while more recent data shows that no more than 6 per cent remain, reflecting a near-total collapse of this vital sector.

Donkeys and mules have become the main mode of transport in the Gaza Strip, used to carry people, aid, the injured, and even corpses, amid the destruction of roads and vehicles and the complete breakdown of transportation due to fuel shortages. Despite growing reliance on them, most of these animals have died, while the rest are so exhausted by bombing, starvation, and severe fodder shortages that they can no longer move or perform any tasks.

Reports by Israeli Channel Kan 11 revealed that the Israeli army gathered hundreds of donkeys from across the Gaza Strip during military operations, transferred them to a farm run by the non-profit Starting Over Sanctuary, and then sent them to animal shelters in France and Belgium under the pretext of rescuing “animals in distress”. This is not only misleading propaganda designed to mask the reality of genocide, but also a blatant act of looting and part of a systematic policy to dismantle the foundations of life in the Gaza Strip by seizing the last remaining means of survival under blockade and destruction.

Depicting such acts as humanitarian while all forms of life in Gaza have been systematically wiped out over the past 22 months is nothing more than a deceptive ploy aimed at manipulating global public opinion.

Israel’s extermination of animal wealth is part of a systematic policy to enforce starvation and dismantle the foundations of survival. The ongoing military attacks have had catastrophic impacts on public health, the environment, agricultural land, and the quality of water, soil, and air, contributing to a deepening environmental collapse.

These impacts do not occur instantly but accumulate and intensify over time, eventually reaching a tipping point that can trigger sudden and alarming surges in the death toll. This is already evident in the daily deaths from hunger and malnutrition, with clear indications that the numbers will rise sharply unless the blockade is lifted and basic necessities are restored.

Access to food, in all its variations, and water is a fundamental human right essential to preserving health and dignity. This right can only be upheld by ending the genocide, lifting the blockade as a form of collective punishment and a war crime, and urgently salvaging what remains of the Gaza Strip, now rendered uninhabitable. Each day of delay risks pushing the enclave past the point of no return, at a grave cost to civilian lives and health.

States must urgently push for the restoration of humanitarian access and the lifting of the illegal blockade, as this is the only way to stop the accelerating humanitarian deterioration and ensure the entry of aid, given the imminent threat of famine.

The establishment of safe humanitarian corridors under UN supervision is vital to ensure the delivery of food, medicine, and fuel to all areas of the Gaza Strip, with the deployment of independent international monitors to verify compliance and ensure the rapid rehabilitation of the agricultural and livestock sectors as part of both emergency relief efforts and long-term recovery.

All states, individually and collectively, must urgently fulfil their legal obligations to halt the genocide in the Gaza Strip in all its forms. This includes taking concrete measures to protect Palestinian civilians in the enclave, ensure Israel’s compliance with international law and the International Court of Justice rulings, and guarantee full accountability for crimes committed against Palestinians. Euro-Med Monitor also calls for the enforcement of the International Criminal Court arrest warrants issued for the Israeli Prime Minister and former Defence Minister, and for their swift surrender to international justice without regard to immunity.

The international community is urged to impose economic, diplomatic, and military sanctions on Israel and its more powerful allies, particularly the United States, for their grave and systematic breaches of international law; these sanctions should include comprehensive arms embargoes and the suspension of all forms of political, financial, military, and intelligence cooperation. In addition, Euro-Med Monitor calls for freezing the assets of responsible Israeli, US, and any complicit EU officials, banning their travel, halting their military and security companies’ access to international markets, and suspending trade privileges and bilateral agreements that facilitate Israel’s ongoing Western-backed crimes against the Palestinian people.

Human Rights Monitor

  • CrossFireArabia

    CrossFireArabia

    Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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    In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

    Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

    He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

    Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

    Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

    Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

    He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

    The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

    A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

    Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

    “Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

    The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

    “What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

    He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

    Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

    He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

    The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

    At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

    In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

    This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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    Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

    EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

    Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

    Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

    This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

    In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

    Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

    They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

    The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

    Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

    That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

    Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

    However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

    In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
    They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

    But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

    Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

    In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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