Stories From Hell: Food at Gun-point

Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) continues to treat scores of patients suffering from life-changing injuries, chronic pain, and psychological trauma sustained while attempting to access food assistance from US-backed, so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) sites. This militarized food distribution scheme launched one year ago but only ran for six months before being forced to stop after significant controversy and criticism.

The GHF, which replaced a 400-site UN-coordinated aid distribution system, was run by Israel with financial support from the United States and other allies. GHF sites became operational on May 26, 2025, and were “secured” by private American armed contractors, with Israeli forces maintaining control over the wider perimeter.

US-backed aid distribution points are sites of orchestrated killing

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Violence occurring at and related to GHF’s four distribution points led to deaths and injuries for thousands of people who were desperately seeking food during Israel’s months-long total blockade.

An MSF staff member checks Saad's patient file at Al-Mawasi primary health care center. Saad has to wear an external fixator after he was injured during a GHF food distribution in 2025.
At Al-Mawasi primary health care center, an MSF staff member greets Saad, who has to wear an external fixator after he was injured during a GHF food distribution in 2025. Palestine 2026 © Nour Alsaqqa/MSF

The legacy of the GHF is widespread violence against hungry people

“As MSF has documented with medical evidence, people who were seeking food in desperate and siege-like conditions suffered horrendous levels of targeted and indiscriminate violence,” said Joan Tubau, MSF head of mission for the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

“Children were shot in the chest while reaching for food, people were crushed or suffocated in stampedes, and entire crowds were gunned down at distribution points. Today, many GHF-related patients are entirely dependent on charity and community kitchens due to their mobility issues and lack of ability to work and provide for their families.”

People who were seeking food in desperate and siege-like conditions suffered horrendous levels of targeted and indiscriminate violence.Joan Tubau, MSF head of mission for the Occupied Palestinian Territory

Between June and October 2025, MSF teams recorded at least 32 deaths and treated 1,885 patients for injuries linked to the GHF sites at MSF’s Al-Attar and Al-Mawasi primary health care centers in Khan Younis.

Neama Awad

“Even if it meant death, I had to go bring food”

I am from Miraj, originally from Rafah. Everything was destroyed. The occupation came near us. They were shooting at our children and here too we are displaced. I only wish to return home. Honestly, my situation is very bad. I am sick, and my husband is sick.

I went looking for a loaf of bread. I went walking as I don’t even have one shekel for transportation. One day people came and said, ‘Go to the aid point in Al-Tina to get food.’ I said I would go. I wanted to bring food for my children. There was no food, nothing. We became skin and bones. I went to the aid distribution because we had no support at home — no flour, no food, no aid reaching us, not even a loaf of bread.

View moreA Palestinian woman injured at a GHF site in Gaza.

Palestine 2026 © Nour Alsaqqa/MSF

Patients recount horrific scenes

“My friend was executed in front of my eyes,” said Karim, a former barber who suffered life-changing injuries permanently damaging a nerve in his leg. “It still haunts me. Both of us were caught and handcuffed [by Israeli soldiers] behind our backs. A drone hovered above me, and four men were asked to take me away.”

Mustafa, a taxi driver from Rafah, developed a heel infection that caused rotting after a gunshot wound broke two of his bones as he was trying to access food. His 17-year-old nephew was shot in the head and killed by a sniper.

“[It] was so humiliating,” Mustapha said. “Thousands of people would run towards [the food], then the IDF would shoot on us from fixed points. Two thirds of the injured people in Gaza I know were cases from GHF.”

Saad Hussein, MSF patient

“Hunger: That is what made us go”

I am from southern Rafah. Neither our grandfather nor the many displaced people before us lived through this. So many homes were destroyed. Everyone was displaced. We were living in the Iqlimi area, but with the famine and everything that was happening, we were forced to leave. We have children, pregnant women, and breastfeeding mothers. We had to take whatever we could because nothing was available. We were forced to go to the American aid distribution points.

We had no clean food, no clean clothes, no clean bathrooms. Nothing was clean. We did not eat breakfast, lunch, or dinner. We would bring lentils from the community kitchen and survive on them until the next day. My mother, my brothers, my brother’s six orphaned children, my brother’s wife, me, my mother, and my father. God is with us and with them.

View morePortrait of Saad Hussein. Saad was injured in 2025 during a food distribution by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.

Palestine 2026 © Nour Alsaqqa/MSF

The opposite of humanitarian work

The GHF also played a key role in the malnutrition crisis manufactured by Israel. The drastic reduction of food and aid distribution points compounded by the total siege, intensified violence, mass displacement, and destruction of health facilities had a direct role in the famine declared in mid-2025, with devastating consequences on vulnerable groups such as pregnant women, newborns, and children.

“Nothing about GHF was a humanitarian solution,” Tubau said. “One year on, the magnitude of the harm inflicted on people at GHF distribution points without any accountability requires an independent investigation. Israel has an obligation to ensure unhindered humanitarian access and condemns aid models, including the GHF, that fail to alleviate suffering.”

My friend was executed in front of my eyes. It still haunts me. Both of us were caught and handcuffed [by Israeli soldiers] behind our backs.Karim, MSF patient

This militarized system of aid delivery resulted in significant harm and suffering and should never be replicated. Israel, the US, and all actors of influence to ensure that aid is non-militarized, accessible, and built on independence, impartiality, neutrality, and humanity. Civilians must be able to safely reach humanitarian assistance — based on vulnerability and need — wherever they choose to reside, and at scale.

*Names of patients have been changed for their safety.

MSF

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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