How Will Hawkish Trump Deal With Iran?

Ata Şahit

Ata Şahit

Immediately upon his return to the White House for a second stint, a hawkish Donald Trump has put Iran on notice.

In the first week of February, the US President signed a presidential decree reinstating the maximum pressure policy on Iran, saying that though he was not pleased with the decision, he had no choice but to adopt a firm stance.

A few days later, Trump claimed that a very “frightened” Iran was ready for a deal with the US over the Shia-majority nation’s nuclear programme.

The moot point of his assertion was that he would also prefer a deal rather than Israel carrying its threat of attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities. “I’d much rather do a deal that’s not going to hurt them.”

Since Trump assumed office, Iranian officials have consistently voiced their support for dialogue and expressed a willingness to engage in negotiations with the new administration.

On January 14, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian reaffirmed this position in an interview with NBC, emphasising Iran’s openness to talks.

However, any potential for a dialogue appeared to have been decisively shut down following a February 7 statement by Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei.

Addressing members of the Iranian military, Khamenei declared that engaging in negotiations with the US was neither a prudent nor an honourable course of action, unequivocally rejecting the prospect of talks between the two countries.

Some analysts have interpreted Trump’s January approval of the sale of 4,700 additional MK-84 bunker-buster bombs to Israel as part of a broader Iran strategy.

This begs the question: How would Iran-US relations evolve under Trump, and how significant is the threat posed by Iran’s potential nuclear capabilities?

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Trump’s first term and Iran

Trump’s re-election marks a critical turning point for Iran. Even during his first presidency, Trump’s policy of maximum pressure had led to significant economic, political, and military challenges for Tehran.

It was during the first Trump administration that some seismic events – such as the US withdrawal from the nuclear deal, the re-imposition of economic sanctions, and the assassination of Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani—intensified the pressure on Iran.

With Trump’s re-election, the Iranian leadership is concerned about the prospect of further escalation of previous policies.

Recent developments in the region indicate that Iran’s deterrence capabilities have reached a critical low.

An analysis of Iran’s national security and defence doctrine reveals that it rests on three principal strategic pillars: the establishment of a forward defence line via non-state actors under the Quds Force, an extensive missile programme, and efforts to achieve nuclear threshold status.

However, Israel’s attacks in 2023 and 2024 have significantly weakened these pillars. Indeed, the elimination of Hezbollah leaders, the destruction of its command structures, and successful Israeli airstrikes against Iranian territory have complicated Iran’s ability to leverage these elements as an effective deterrent.

Moreover, although Iran’s missile programme is still impressive in terms of variety and quantity, its effectiveness was found to be limited during the April and October 2024 attacks. The majority of Iran’s missiles either missed their targets or proved ineffective.

The Israeli strikes on October 26 severely damaged Iran’s missile engine production facilities and solid fuel production capabilities.

In particular, the strikes on the Shahroud missile complex have significantly constrained Iran’s ability to develop long-range missiles. As a result of these strikes, Iran’s most advanced air defence systems (S-300 PMU2) were rendered inoperable.

The remaining systems are limited both in range and capability, thereby increasing Iran’s vulnerability to external attacks. These vulnerabilities have prompted Tehran to reconsider the option of developing nuclear weapons.

While Iran has the capability to produce weapons-grade uranium within a week, integrating a nuclear warhead into a missile system is regarded as a time-consuming process.

Iran’s nuclear programme and rising concerns

Trump’s threats and the continuing tensions surrounding Iran’s nuclear programme represent a critical juncture for the country.

Rather than initiating the production of nuclear weapons, Tehran could adopt the more cautious yet effective step of announcing its intention to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

Such a move would underscore Iran’s seriousness while seeking to extract more concessions at the negotiating table.

A notable example is North Korea, which in 1993 employed a similar strategy by announcing its intention to withdraw from the treaty, subsequently suspending its decision before ultimately carrying it out.

Iran’s threat to withdraw from the NPT could be perceived by the international community as a shift toward nuclear weapons production. This, in turn, could escalate regional tensions and potentially encourage Israel to deploy US-made bunker-buster bombs against Iranian nuclear facilities.

Iran’s clandestine nuclear weapons programme, known as the Amad Plan, sought to produce five nuclear weapons between 1999 and 2003.

Under this plan, four warheads for Shahab-3 ballistic missiles and one bomb for an underground test were developed.

According to the Iranian nuclear archive captured by Israel in 2018, Iran has made significant advances in critical technologies, including nuclear warhead design, neutron initiators, and detonation focusing systems. This information is regarded as a contributing factor to Iran’s increased capacity to produce nuclear weapons.

Significant similarities exist between China’s first nuclear bomb (codenamed 596) and Iran’s early designs. The findings indicate that Iran is approaching the status of a nuclear threshold state.

Therefore, Trump’s nuclear policy toward Iran is a critical issue, both in terms of differing perspectives within his administration and the broader international context.

Where can the process evolve?

Iran’s nuclear programme remains a priority concern for both Europe and the US.

With the expiration of the UN Security Council (UNSC) snapback sanctions in October 2025, the US-led West risks losing one of its most powerful tools of diplomatic leverage.

In this context, Europe plans to leverage Iran’s vulnerabilities and time constraints to initiate an effective nuclear diplomacy process.

Indeed, a statement by the E3 – France, Germany and the UK – that it is prepared to utilise all diplomatic tools against Iran indicates that patience is waning.

Simultaneously, Iran’s statements suggesting it may reassess its technical capabilities and political intentions have raised concerns within the international community.

The US might intensify pressure by tightening the enforcement of secondary sanctions on the Iranian economy.

As an initial measure, Trump imposed sanctions on a key international network involved in the sale of Iranian oil, delivering a significant blow to Iran’s oil exports.

Expanding sanctions to target major purchasers of Iranian oil, particularly China, could exacerbate Iran’s economic vulnerabilities.

In other words, the US and Europe may capitalise on this window of opportunity by intensifying pressure on Iran while simultaneously presenting clear diplomatic solutions.

In Iran, contrary to Khamenei’s rhetoric, there are indications that a large section of the leadership and population are generally supportive of negotiations with the US.

Recently, the Center for Islamic World Studies, aligned with Supreme Leader Khamenei, conducted a survey on Iran-US negotiations as part of its advisory role in foreign policy.

The study surveyed 119 academics, senior executives, and current and former officials. The results revealed that 86.5 percent of respondents supported direct negotiations between Iran and the Trump administration, while just 5.8 percent opposed the proposal. A further 7.5 percent of respondents indicated that negotiations would be conditional.

Against the backdrop of Trump’s belligerence against Iran, the risk of Israel attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities has gone up manifold.

How Tehran decides to navigate the choppy waters of uncertainty will determine the future of US-Iran relations. And, perhaps, of the volatile region too.

Ata Şahit

Ata Şahit

Ata Şahit is an executive producer for TRT.

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Netanyahu is ‘Enslaving The National Interest’ – Ex-Security Chief

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is “enslaving Israel’s national interest in the service of his own political, personal and criminal interests,” according to a former member of Israel’s National Security Council.

Most Israelis believe Netanyahu is “operating for his own political interests and not for the national interest,” Eran Etzion, former deputy head of the council, told Anadolu.

“I’m one of those in the majority who believe that this is the case.”

This is evident in how the Netanyahu government has “deliberately” failed in achieving its war goals, he said, adding that Israel has made some progress but remains far from eliminating all of Hamas’ military capabilities and governmental abilities in Gaza.

“I, as an analyst, cannot say that Israel achieved its goals, and I can say that the fact that Israel did not achieve its goals is by design,” said Etzion, a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute in Washington.

This government “deliberately did not want to achieve all those goals because they want to extend the war for the political reasons,” he asserted.

On Israel’s recent assassinations of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders, Etzion emphasized that “targeted killings are not an alternative for a real political strategy.”

Hamas’ political chief Ismail Haniyeh was killed on 3 August while visiting the Iranian capital Tehran for the inauguration of President Masoud Pezeshkian, a day after Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr was targeted in an Israeli airstrike in a southern suburb of Lebanon’s capital Beirut.

While Hamas and Iran have blamed Israel for Haniyeh’s killing, Tel Aviv has not confirmed or denied its responsibility.

A day later, the Israeli military claimed it had intelligence that Hamas military commander Mohammad Deif was killed in a July 13 airstrike in Gaza’s Khan Younis area.

The Palestinian group, however, has not confirmed Deif’s death, while it announced Yahya Sinwar as Haniyeh’s successor on Tuesday.

“Personally, I don’t think they (the assassinations) were strategically effective. They might have been effective tactically … but they’ve proven that they can recuperate pretty quickly,” said Etzion, who also served as the head of policy planning at the Israeli Foreign Ministry.

“This is certainly not a strategy,” he added.

‘Acting for the instigation of a wider regional war’

Regarding the future course of Israel’s war on Gaza, Etzion pointed out that there is a split within the country and its leadership.

The public and the “wider defense establishment” are in favor of signing a deal for a cease-fire and the release of hostages, he said.

However, Netanyahu and some of his ministers, notably the far-right extremist ministers, are openly advocating for and “acting for the instigation of a wider regional war,” he added.

“Most Israelis are ready to sign the deal as it is. The negotiators themselves are ready to sign. The minister of defense, head of the IDF, head of the Shin Bet, they’re all saying let’s sign,” Etzion said.

This position, according to the former government official, reflects “both the genuine Israeli national interest and the will of the majority of Israelis.”

“But Netanyahu is putting up new obstacles because his personal interest … is to prevent the deal, rather than to sign it.”

He pointed out that public opinion regarding the war on Gaza has changed over the past 10 months “as the actual situation on the ground turned out to be not as favorable as they hoped.”

Most Israelis, around 60% or 70%, now want to end the war, although they are still divided over the long-term solution, he said.

“I share the conclusion that the national interest dictates ending the war, releasing the hostages, going for elections, replacing our political leadership and our military leadership that failed catastrophically on Oct. 7 … going for a national reconstruction on multiple levels. That’s what we need in the coming years,” Etzion added according to the Turkish news agency.

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Haniyeh’s Murder Will Not Flake The Resistance

The assassination of the Hamas political bureau Ismail Haniyeh, Wednesday, in Tehran shows there was a clear security breach, and Israel was looking for an opportunity to carry out the assassination and found it in the Iranian capital, said military and strategic expert Nidal Abu Zeid.

Although he didn’t elaborate on the security breach, he said the assassination will not have an impact on the war in Gaza, saying the Palestinian resistance will not be shaken by the martyrdom of one of its leaders, Abu Zaid told Jo24.

Hamas is an ideology that will continue and grow among the Palestinian masses despite the great sacrifices it makes. Already over 38,000 people have been killed in Gaza by Israeli warplanes, tanks and drones not to mention that over 90,000 injured.

These sacrifices by its  leaders and elements in the field of Palestinian fighters from different factions will only increase their will, determination and resolve, he added.

Abu Zeid expects the assassination of the Hamas leader who was elected to run the Hamas organization in 2017, will raise the level of military operations by the Palestinian resistance. He said revenge for the murder of Haniyeh who was killed along with one of the bodyguards on the streets of Tehran will not be delayed and Hamas along with its Izz Al Din Al Qassam military wing will respond quickly.

Abu Zeid explained that the resistance operations will continue to pressure the Israel military occupation, especially in northern Gaza, to withdraw the remaining units of the 98th Paratroopers Division, as happened lately in eastern Khan Yunis, and inspite of the new wave of continual civilian displacements from the city.

He predicted that the losses of the Israeli occupation forces will rise in the coming period, and that the Palestinian resistance will carry out operations that will surprise Israel with new tactics in light of the state of crisis and caution it is experiencing, especially after the unconvincing response in the southern suburb of Beirut and after the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh.

In a statement, Wednesday morning, Hamas said the assassination of chief of the political bureau was a “treacherous Zionist raid on his residence in Tahran.”  

One of his body guards was also killed on the attack on his residence.

Haniyeh was in Tehran to attend the inauguration of new Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, Tuesday. It was his first time to be seen in public.

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Masoud Pezeshkian Opens up Iran to The World

Reform candidate Masoud Pezeshkian becomes the next president of Iran after winning the last presidential runoff elections that was held in the country, Friday.

Pezeshkian’s win is making top news in the social media. He received 16,384,403 votes beating his contender Saeed Jalili who received 13,535179 votes.

This was a clost vote with just under 50 percent turn out according to different sources.

Pezeshkian is a liberal candidate, was member of Iran’s Consultative Assembly since 2008, a former health minister and is a heart surgeon by training.

He beat Jalili, who is seen as an ultra-conservative, is said to be very “ideologically-driven” and was once Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator.

During the election campiagn Pezeshkian said he promises  to open up Iran to the world.

The runoff on Friday followed a June 28 ballot in a snap election to find a successor to President Ebrahim Raeisi who lost his life with his foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian and others in a helicopter crash in northwest Iran according to Iran’s Press TV.

Pezeshkian originally ran against a field of five candidates last week, winning the largest number of votes but falling short of a majority which sent him and Jalili to a second round.  

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