After 33 Years Lebanese Man Describes Horrors of a Syrian Jail

Suheil Hamawi, a Lebanese national who returned to his homeland after opposition groups toppled the Syrian regime and freed detainees from Sednaya and other notorious prisons in Damascus, shared his harrowing ordeal during 33 years of captivity.

The Bashar al-Assad regime operated numerous torture centers across the country referred to as “death hubs.”

Following the regime’s collapse over the weekend and the opposition’s takeover, anti-regime prisoners held in Sednaya and other detention centers were freed.

Among them was Hamawi, who was released from Sednaya, infamously known as a “human slaughterhouse” for its brutal torture practices.

A victim of the Assad regime, which tortured hundreds of thousands of people, he was abducted by Syrian forces in Lebanon in 1991. He was subsequently arrested and transferred to various prisons in Syria.

Accused of opposing the Syrian occupation of Lebanon from 1976 to 2005, Hamawi endured 33 years of inhumane imprisonment.

‘I had no hope of ever returning to my homeland and family’

Speaking to reporters, Hamawi expressed his gratitude for regaining his freedom and returning to Lebanon after more than three decades of captivity.

He recounted being among the hundreds of Lebanese detained by Syrian intelligence in 1991 for opposing Syria’s military presence in Lebanon.

Hamawi described the unimaginable suffering he endured in Syrian prisons.

“I was sentenced to life imprisonment in Sednaya. Today, I am back in my hometown of Chekka, the same place where Syrian forces detained me 33 years ago,” he said.

Initially transferred to the Anjar detention center in the Bekaa Valley near the Lebanese-Syrian border, he was later moved to detention centers in Damascus and Latakia before being sent to Sednaya.

“I spent 15 years in solitary confinement before being placed in a shared cell at Sednaya. Every single day was torture. From the moment I was detained, every breath I took felt like agony. I had no hope of ever seeing my family again. Visits were completely forbidden, and we had no contact with the outside world,” he said.

Hamawi described his imprisonment as a state of constant despair and deprivation, adding that he had lost all hope of freedom. Even as they heard rumors of events outside, the pace of developments gave prisoners little expectation of imminent release.

“When I heard gunfire, I didn’t know who had come to free me. I walked for 15 kilometers before someone took me to Lebanon,” he said.

According to Lebanon’s National News Agency, Hamawi is the first Lebanese national to return home after being released following the fall of the Assad regime.

Lebanese detainees in Syrian prisons

The Association of Lebanese Political Prisoners in Syrian Prisons estimates that 622 Lebanese citizens remain forcibly disappeared in Syrian detention centers. Many were abducted during Syria’s 29-year occupation of Lebanon.

During this period, the regime detained numerous Lebanese citizens, accusing them of opposing Syria’s military presence or collaborating with anti-regime groups.

Many were transferred to Syrian prisons, with families often losing contact with loved ones for decades.

Some detainees are believed to have been released following recent developments in Syria.

The ‘human slaughterhouse’

Reports from international organizations reveal that Sednaya prison, located 30 kilometers (18.6 miles) north of Damascus, became a detention center for anti-regime activists and military opponents after the 2011 uprising. Under the Assad regime’s Ministry of Defense, the prison became infamous for systematic torture and mass executions.

Between 2011 and 2015, reports indicate that as many as 50 detainees were hanged weekly or bi-weekly, with executions conducted in silence and secrecy. Prisoners endured inhumane conditions, repeated torture and deliberate deprivation of food, water, medicine and medical care.

A 2017 investigation by Amnesty International concluded that the crimes committed at Sednaya, including torture and mass executions, amounted to crimes against humanity. These violations were part of the Assad regime’s broader policy of systematic violence against civilians.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

Related Posts

The Day Al Aqsa Was Set on Fire

On the morning of August 21, 1969, flames erupted inside Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem, two years after Israel occupied the eastern part of the city.

The fire began at approximately 7:20 a.m. and burned for more than three hours.

By the time firefighters brought the blaze under control, large sections of the mosque had been damaged.

The southern portion of the roof was destroyed and walls and other architectural elements were severely affected. The main structure and dome, however, survived.

Among the losses was something irreplaceable: the historic pulpit known as the Minbar of Salah al-Din.

Its destruction would become one of the defining images and enduring symbols of the 1969 fire.

What Was the Minbar of Salah al-Din?

The minbar was a masterpiece of medieval Islamic craftsmanship dating to the 12th century.

It became associated with Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi and the restoration of Muslim rule in Jerusalem following the Crusader period.

For centuries, it stood inside Al-Aqsa Mosque as both a religious object and an extraordinary piece of Islamic heritage.

The 1969 blaze destroyed it completely.

Its loss therefore transformed the fire from an attack damaging a religious building into a major cultural and historical loss as well.

Who Started the Fire?

One day after the blaze, Israeli police arrested Denis Michael Rohan, an Australian national who had entered Jerusalem on a tourist visa.

Evidence provided by guards at the mosque contributed to his arrest, according to the historical account cited by Quds News Network.

Rohan subsequently admitted setting Al-Aqsa on fire.

During proceedings, he expressed extremist religious beliefs and said he believed burning the mosque was connected to a divine mission involving the rebuilding of the Jewish Temple in Jerusalem.

His lawyers argued that he was mentally ill.

In December 1969, an Israeli court found Rohan not criminally responsible for the act because of mental illness and ordered that he be confined to a psychiatric institution.

That explanation and the outcome of the case were met with widespread skepticism and criticism in the Arab and Muslim worlds, particularly given that the fire occurred only two years after Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem.

How Much of Al-Aqsa Was Destroyed?

The fire caused extensive damage but did not destroy the entire mosque.

The southern section suffered heavily, including parts of the roof, walls and architectural elements.

The Minbar of Salah al-Din was completely destroyed.

Firefighters eventually contained the blaze before it consumed the principal structure and dome.

The scale of the damage nevertheless made the incident one of the most consequential events at Al-Aqsa in modern history.

How Did the World React?

News of the fire triggered demonstrations and widespread anger across Palestine and the Arab and Muslim worlds.

Several countries immediately brought the issue before the United Nations and demanded an investigation and international measures to protect Jerusalem’s holy sites.

On August 22, a group of Arab and Muslim states submitted a communication to the UN highlighting the damage and calling for measures to prevent similar incidents.

The repercussions ultimately reached the UN Security Council.

What Did the UN Security Council Do?

On September 15, 1969, less than a month after the fire, the Security Council adopted Resolution 271.

The resolution expressed grief over the extensive damage to Al-Aqsa and described the destruction as a loss to human culture.

It also warned that acts targeting Jerusalem’s holy places, religious buildings and sites could endanger international peace and security.

Crucially, the resolution situated the fire within the wider question of occupied Jerusalem.

It reaffirmed previous Security Council positions regarding the city and rejected measures designed to alter its status.

The fire was therefore treated not simply as an isolated act of arson, but against the political and legal backdrop created by Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967.

What Happened to Al-Aqsa afterward?

Palestinians undertook extensive efforts to restore the damaged sections of the mosque.

Palestinian architect and engineer Ibrahim al-Daqqaq was among the prominent Jerusalem figures involved in Al-Aqsa’s reconstruction following the fire.

The destruction of the historic minbar presented a particularly difficult challenge because of the intricacy of its original craftsmanship.

Decades later, a meticulously reconstructed minbar was eventually installed at Al-Aqsa, replacing the one destroyed in 1969.

Why Does August 21 Still Matter?

The significance of the 1969 fire is not confined to history. For Palestinians, its memory is directly connected to contemporary fears over Al-Aqsa Mosque amid years of incitement, repeated incursions into the compound and an increasingly organized movement seeking to fundamentally change its religious and political status.

While the 1969 fire was attributed to Denis Michael Rohan, the decades since have witnessed the growth of Israeli religious-nationalist movements advocating greater Jewish control over the Al-Aqsa compound, known to Jews as the Temple Mount. Many Jewish activists and organizations ultimately seek the construction of a Third Temple at the site.

These movements have moved increasingly close to the political mainstream, with Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir among the most prominent senior officials challenging the longstanding status quo governing the compound.

Ben-Gvir has repeatedly entered Al-Aqsa under heavy police protection and publicly advocated Jewish prayer there. In 2024, he declared that his policy was to permit such prayer and said that, if the decision were his, he would establish a synagogue at the compound.

In August 2025, Ben-Gvir went further, openly leading Jewish prayers at the compound — reportedly the first Israeli government minister to do so publicly — while calling for strengthened Israeli “sovereignty” over the site.

For Palestinians, therefore, remembering August 21, 1969, is not simply about commemorating a fire that occurred 57 years ago. It exists within a continuing struggle over the identity, administration and future of Al-Aqsa Mosque. Palestine Chronicle

Continue reading
‘Israel Killed My Dad on His Farm,’ Says Daughter Zeinab

Zeinab Imad Yassine, a Lebanese journalist, learned of her father’s death while scrolling through her phone.

There was no phone call from a relative, no official notification, no moment of preparation.

Somewhere between WhatsApp messages was the news that Imad Yassine, 68, had been killed in an Israeli strike while at his poultry farm in southern Lebanon.

For decades, the farm had been part of his daily life. Inherited from his father, it was a family business he refused to abandon even as Israeli attacks made southern Lebanon increasingly dangerous.

His daughter had urged him to stay in Beirut. He would not.

Her father believed there was no reason for Israel to target him, Zeinab said.

“I have my cell phone every day, every night with me. They know what I’m doing. They know that I have a poultry company. They know that I’m taking care of the chickens and the farms,” she recalled him telling her.

“They know exactly what I’m doing, because the drones are 24-7 in the sky and sometimes the drone can go through your eye level.”

He repeatedly asked his daughter the same question.

“Why would they kill me? I’m not a threat for them. I’m not a soldier. I’m not a fighter. I’m not doing anything. I’m just taking care of my farm,” she recalled him saying.

When he was killed on June 8, Zeinab said, her father was doing exactly that – carrying out his normal work on the farm and repairing an electricity generator after power infrastructure in the area had been damaged.

After his death, his question became hers.

From private grief to public accountability

Zeinab is now trying to turn her family’s loss into a case for accountability.

She said she decided to pursue legal action to determine who was responsible for the strike that killed her father, including the person who “pressed the button that released that rocket or that missile that cut the artery veins in my father’s thighs.”

She chose to pursue the case with the Human Rights Council of the United Nations.

“I had to go through that because I want to sue Israel for taking my father’s life. And they never had the right to do so,” she told Anadolu in an exclusive interview.

Zeinab said she has contacted an official within the UN human rights system, presented details of her father’s killing and submitted supporting evidence.

She said the material is expected to be examined before the next steps are determined.

“My father is not … a number in the count of the dead,” she said.

“When you go to the Human Rights Council, you’re saying that I’m a human and I have rights to live, like everyone else on this earth.”

For Zeinab, pursuing the case is also about ensuring that her father’s identity and the circumstances of his death are documented.

“I’m going to say to the international court that this is my father. This is Imad Yassine. That’s what he was doing,” she said.

“And this is what the occupation did to him, and they must never get away with it.”

Zeinab said she wants accountability to extend from those directly responsible for the strike to Israel’s political and military leadership.

“In the first place, I need to know who pressed the button. I need to see that person in jail. I need to see Netanyahu in jail,” she said, referring to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Israel’s message to civilians

Her father’s killing left Zeinab haunted by a broader question: Why would a 68-year-old civilian working on his family farm be targeted?

“I asked myself many times, what did they want from him? Why did they kill him?” she said.

Zeinab said she ultimately came to believe that his death was intended to send a message to civilians seeking to remain in or return to southern Lebanon.

“They killed him, not because he was a soldier or because he was a fighter, but because they wanted to end the life in the south,” she said.

“They want to tell everyone in Lebanon, don’t go back to the south of Lebanon, because if you go back, we’re going to kill you, even if you are not soldiers, even if you’re not fighters. That’s the case of my father.”

Zeinab linked her father’s killing to the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict, saying her greatest hope is to eventually see a free Palestine.

Zeinab argued that as long as the occupation of Palestine continues, both Palestinians and Lebanese will remain vulnerable to Israeli attacks, and accused Israel of pursuing territorial expansion in the region.

“They need to know that they cannot still commit any genocide or any crimes,” she said. “It’s not fine that Israel will continue doing what it’s doing without, and they escape without any punishment. We are losing the humanity in this world, because we are not confronting the real killer in the world.”

In Gaza, Palestinian authorities have said Israel has killed more than 73,000 people since Oct. 7, 2023.

According to the Lebanese Health Ministry, 4,346 people have been killed and 12,301 injured in Israeli attacks since March 2, and the UNHCR estimates that around 360,000 people in the country remain displaced.

‘I can’t go back to my house’

The consequences of the conflict for Zeinab extend beyond her father’s death.

She said she no longer feels able to safely return to her own home in southern Lebanon.

“If I go to my house in South Lebanon, if I go over the roof, I can see the Israelis. I can’t go back to my house now. Can you imagine the situation?” she said.

She also pointed to reported Israeli removal of hundreds of olive trees from Zawtar Shariyeh, a village neighboring her hometown of Shukin, as another example of what she sees as the erosion of civilian life in the area.

The experience, she said, has left her feeling that “the bare minimum of humanity is collapsing in this world.”

Zeinab said the experience has strengthened her determination to document what is happening and encouraged others affected by Israeli attacks to pursue accountability.

“We need to sue Israel for every pint of blood, for every house they demolished,” she said.

She urged people to continue documenting and speaking about the impact of the conflict on civilians.

“If you can’t do anything but talk, talk about Israel and document everything, because this is the bare minimum we can do.”

Without action, she warned, other families will continue to suffer similar losses.

“That’s what I need the world to always remember,” she said, warning that otherwise “there will be more and more and more of Imad Yassine and of all the martyrs that Israel killed in South Lebanon.”

Continue reading

You Missed

The Day Al Aqsa Was Set on Fire

The Day Al Aqsa Was Set on Fire

Israel Finally Admits to Killing Little Hind

Israel Finally Admits to Killing Little Hind

Sunset in Gaza

Sunset in Gaza

‘Israel Killed My Dad on His Farm,’ Says Daughter Zeinab

‘Israel Killed My Dad on His Farm,’ Says Daughter Zeinab

The Gaza Mermaid

The Gaza Mermaid

Gaza by The Sea

Gaza by The Sea