Entering The Baath Torture Chambers

During the rule of the collapsed Baath regime in Syria, thousands were subjected to torture in dozens of centers beyond Sednaya prison.

Since the uprising began in March 2011, the fallen Baath regime reportedly tortured and killed thousands. However, it is feared that the undocumented numbers reach tens of thousands.

According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), regime forces detained at least 1.2 million Syrians during the civil war and subjected them to various torture methods.

Although the regime announced over 20 so-called amnesty decisions during the war, international human rights organizations state that the regime continued detaining Syrians.

Numerous reports from international organizations emphasize that detainees were killed through torture.

Anadolu compiled details of torture centers and methods under the collapsed Baath regime, which ruled Syria for 61 years.

According to an exclusive SNHR report for Anadolu, the regime’s torture centers were categorized as civilian prisons, military prisons, secret unofficial detention centers, and security unit interrogation centers.

There were more than 50 such centers across almost all provinces in the country.

Prisons under Interior Ministry

In cities taken over by groups that toppled the Baath regime, their first action was to rescue detainees, most of whom were opposition members.

Prisoners were freed from major prisons, including Aleppo Central Prison, Hama Central Prison, Adra Central Prison in Damascus, Homs Central Prison, and Suwayda Central Prison.

Prisoners in the central prisons of Tartus and Latakia, however, are still awaiting release.

Centers of crime

Tens of thousands of people were tortured for years in military prisons under the Defense Ministry.

Among these, Sednaya, Mezzeh, and Qaboun in Damascus, and Al-Balloon and Tadmur in Homs, stood out as centers of severe torture. Many detainees held there were never heard from again.

After armed groups brought down the regime, prisoners in Mezzeh and Kabun were also freed.

Mezzeh prison, located at the military airport in Damascus’s Mezze district, was managed by military intelligence units under the Defense Ministry.

Secret and unofficial detention centers

There were also centers where the regime detained its opponents, but these centers were practically secret.

According to SNHR and other human rights organizations, the purpose of establishing these secret detention centers was to carry out even more severe torture. Those who ended up in these torture dens had no chance of survival.

These facilities operated under the Fourth Division, commanded by Assad’s brother, Maher Assad.

In early 2012, the regime also turned houses, villas, and stadiums into detention centers. One such facility was Deir Shmeil Camp in northwestern Hama.

Detention, torture centers

Security units tied to the regime also played an active role in operating interrogation and detention centers.

The security apparatus consisted of four main intelligence services: the Military Intelligence Service (known as “military security”), the Political Security Service, the General Intelligence Directorate (known as “state security”), and the Air Intelligence Directorate.

The Military Intelligence Service, with the largest network in the country, had at least 20 branches.

The Political Security Service maintained branches in most provinces, while the General Intelligence Directorate operated six main headquarters in Damascus.

The Air Intelligence Directorate ranked second in detentions after the Military Intelligence Service. With branches in nearly every province, the directorate was particularly active in areas with military airports.

These units were placed under the Syrian National Security Bureau, established in 2012. The Military Intelligence Service, under the Defense Ministry, functioned as the primary body responsible for detentions.

Those detained in these branches were typically transferred to main centers in Damascus after several days, where they could be held for years.

Across the country, security units operated more than 45 detention branches, with 18 of them located in Damascus.

Regime used 72 different torture methods

According to the SNHR report, the Baath regime employed 72 torture methods involving physical, psychological, and sexual violence.

The regime also subjected detainees to forced labor and solitary confinement, violating basic human rights.

Physical torture included pouring boiling water on victims’ bodies, simulating drowning by submerging heads in water, electrocuting individuals with electric batons, and placing them naked on electrified metal chairs. Other inhumane practices involved melting plastic bags onto bodies, extinguishing cigarettes on skin, and burning fingers, hair, and ears with lighters.

The regime also used brutal methods such as pulling out fingernails with pliers, tearing out hair, amputating body parts—including ears and genitalia—with sharp tools, and driving nails into sensitive areas like hands, tongues, and noses.

Spotlight on Sednaya prison

Sednaya prison, where tens of thousands are believed to be held, has the worst reputation of all.

After protests in March 2011, Sednaya became a center of torture, holding tens of thousands of political detainees.

Following the collapse of the 61-year-old Baath regime on 8 December, 2024, attention turned to the situation of prisoners in Sednaya.

Some detainees reportedly appeared on security cameras but could not be found in accessible areas, raising the possibility that they may be in secret compartments underground.

As teams continue to dig tunnels and break down walls, Syrians who have not heard from loved ones for years are flocking to the prison, searching for traces of their relatives.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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