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Guterres in Syria: ‘A Land of Possibilities’

marwan
July 26, 2026

Syria has an opportunity not only to recover from conflict but to build “a future that is more stable, more inclusive and more prosperous for all Syrians”, UN Secretary-General António Guterres said in Damascus on Saturday as he began a landmark visit to the country.

Calling Syria “today the pillar of stability of the Middle East”, the UN chief said the country “stands at a moment of possibility” and urged the international community to seize the opportunity to help rebuild a nation emerging from more than a decade of conflict.

Addressing reporters alongside Foreign Minister Asaad al‑Shaibani, Mr. Guterres described his visit as “an extremely meaningful” one, rooted in decades of engagement with Syrians as former UN High Commissioner for Refugees and later as Secretary-General.

“For years, long before becoming Secretary-General, I worked closely with Syrians,” he said, recalling communities that welcomed refugees fleeing conflict and persecution, as well as Syrian families later forced to flee their own country.

“I met young Syrians whose hopes were simple and universal: to learn, to work, to contribute, and to live in peace.”

Those experiences, he said, remained with him and helped explain why it was important for him to be in Damascus now.

“Indeed, I made a conscious decision not to come to Syria since the beginning of the brutal repression of the Syrian people in 2011 until the fall of the regime.”

A chance to build a new future

The Secretary-General said Syrians had endured years of “hardship, loss and uncertainty” but had never lost the resilience, talent and creativity that define the country.

“Today, Syria stands at a moment of possibility.

“The opportunity now is not only to recover from conflict, but to lay the foundations for a future that is more stable, more inclusive and more prosperous for all Syrians.”

He stressed that rebuilding the country would require leadership and trust, while ensuring that all Syrians see themselves reflected in the nation’s future.

“Above all, it will require that every Syrian sees a place for themselves in the future of their country.

“And it is for Syrians to define their path forward and shape the institutions that will serve future generations.”

A ‘moment for partnership and solidarity’

The UN chief warned that no country emerging from more than a decade of conflict could rebuild alone and appealed for stronger international engagement.

“This is a moment that requires the international community to support Syria with determination and foresight,” he said.

“Syria’s recovery is a humanitarian imperative – and it is also an investment in development, in peace and regional stability.”

He said the international community should help create conditions for economic recovery, restore essential services and infrastructure, expand livelihoods and employment opportunities, and support the safe, voluntary and dignified return of refugees and displaced people.

“International financial institutions and development partners also have an important role to play in helping Syria reconnect with regional and global economic opportunities.”

“This is the moment for partnership and solidarity.”

Emphasizing the UN’s role, he said the Organization stood ready to accompany Syria through its transition.

“We are ready to support your political transition, including your efforts to ensure transitional justice, draft a permanent constitution, and hold free and fair elections.”

“We have no UN agenda for Syria. Our agenda is the agenda of the Syrian government and the Syrian people.”

Sovereignty and territorial integrity

Mr. Guterres also reiterated the UN’s support for Syria’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.

“We underscore the importance of fully respecting Syria’s sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity.”

“Violations of Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are unacceptable and must cease.”

Referring to developments around the Golan Heights, he added: “What is happening in the region around the Golan Heights is totally unacceptable.”

“I’d like to remind the international community that the Golan Heights are Syrian territory.”

The Secretary-General said the UN would continue working with Syrians and international partners in support of “a future defined by peace, dignity and opportunity by the Syrians themselves.”

Pressed on Israel’s actions in Syria

Taking questions from journalists, the UN chief reiterated his call for an end to violations of Syrian territorial integrity and said the international community needed to take a more active role.

“We consider that the present situation is intolerable and that that situation needs to stop,” he said, while noting that UN personnel on the ground were working to mitigate the impact of ongoing developments.

While acknowledging divisions within the UN Security Council, he pledged continued advocacy on the issue, insisting that “what is Syrian is Syrian and cannot be taken away.”

Visit continues

The visit marks the Secretary-General’s first trip to Syria since the fall of the former regime. During his stay, he is expected to meet President Ahmed al‑Sharaa and other senior officials, and meet women’s groups, civil society representatives and members of diverse communities.

On Monday, Mr. Guterres is scheduled to address the new People’s Assembly of the Syrian Arab Republic before travelling onward to Cyprus. UN News

News

Israeli War on Lebanon Displaces Around 700,000

CrossFireArabia
March 11, 2026

It has been just over a week since the new escalation in conflict started on 2 March, when Israeli evacuation warnings to residents of more than 53 villages and densely populated areas in Lebanon and intensified airstrikes forced families across Lebanon to flee within minutes. Lives have been upended on a massive scale.

According to the authorities, as of today, more than 667,000 people in Lebanon have now registered on the government’s online displacement platform – an increase of over 100,000 in just one day – and numbers continue to rise.

Around 120,000 of the displaced are sheltering in government-designated collective sites, while many others are staying with relatives or friends, or are still searching for accommodation. Many – often displaced for the second time since the hostilities in 2024 – fled in a rush with almost nothing, seeking safety in Beirut, Mount Lebanon, northern districts and parts of the Bekaa.

During a visit yesterday to a shelter in Beirut, I met a woman in her 90s who had lost 11 members of her family during the 2024 attacks. She is now displaced again, staying in the same school that was turned into a shelter. Stories like hers illustrate the fear, uncertainty and repeated trauma families are facing.

We are also seeing urgent movements into Syria. According to Syrian authorities, more than 78,000 Syrians have entered from Lebanon since the escalation began, and over 7,700 Lebanese. Among them are Syrian refugees who had been planning to return home in the coming months, and others who now rushed to return due to the current escalation. UNHCR teams are present at Syrian border crossings alongside authorities and partners to support those arriving with essential relief.

In Lebanon, since day one, UNHCR has supported the government and local authorities in responding to the crisis. To date, we have delivered around 168,000 emergency items to more than 63,000 displaced people across over 270 government-designated collective shelters. These include mattresses, blankets, sleeping mats, sleeping bags, solar lamps, and jerry cans, helping displaced families meet their most urgent needs.

To ensure this critical assistance reaches as many displaced people as quickly as possible, UNHCR is dispatching relief items from our warehouse to the collective shelters through multiple channels: through national and international NGO partners, as well as through municipal authorities and partners like the Lebanese Red Cross, ensuring fast, coordinated support, even in hard‑to‑access areas where some families remain.

I have seen first-hand over the past week how this volatile situation and displacement also trigger fear and emotional trauma. Children and adults alike, including many older people, are in shock and fear. UNHCR, through community centres, outreach volunteers and protection partners, is providing psychosocial support, identifying people at heightened risk, reuniting separated children with families, and assisting people with disabilities. – Reliefweb

At the current pace of displacement, we are working hard to replenish our country-level stocks of essential items, but UNHCR’s operation in Lebanon is currently only 14 per cent funded. Fast and sustained international solidarity is critical to enable us to support the Lebanese Government and authorities in responding to the emerging needs. Every day this conflict continues, more suffering is inflicted on hundreds of thousands of civilians, while Lebanon and the region are further destabilized.

Civilians must be protected at all times, and safe, unhindered humanitarian access must be guaranteed so aid can reach those who need it most.

For more information, please contact:

In Beirut, Dalal Harb: [email protected], +961 70113107
In Amman, Rula Amin: [email protected], +962 (0) 790 045 84
In Geneva, Babar Baloch: [email protected], +41 79 513 95 49

Opinion

Netanyahu’s Middle East Vision

CrossFireArabia
December 15, 2025

By the end of December, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to visit Washington to meet US President Donald Trump, marking his fourth visit in less than a year since Trump assumed office. Unlike previous visits, this one comes after President Trump imposed his vision for ending the war in Gaza and outlined his broader concept of regional peace—giving the visit a distinctly political dimension.

At the core of the discussions will be the transition to the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement, the appointment of an American general and a monitoring center, and the mechanism for administering Gaza ahead of the arrival of an international peace force. The visit is also expected to address Israel’s relations with its regional surroundings, particularly Egypt. Reports suggest the possibility of a simultaneous visit by the Egyptian president to Washington, reflecting a clear American desire to initiate direct engagement and promote the concept of “economic peace,” along with major regional projects that Trump views as the backbone of future relations, especially in the energy and gas sectors.

Yet even as President Trump speaks of a regional peace vision, the days preceding the visit remain open to further escalation. Indicators point toward a qualitative Israeli escalation across four fronts: Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, and Syria. These fronts have been deliberately kept open, transformed into continuous theaters of operation where Israel calibrates the level of military activity according to its security assessments.

Lebanon remains the most prominent arena of this escalation. Ongoing discussions about Hezbollah’s efforts to rebuild its capabilities coincide with Israel’s continued direct targeting of the group’s positions and operatives. This comes amid growing American pressure on the Lebanese government and army to take concrete steps toward disarming Hezbollah.

While the group is fully aware of its inability to engage in a comprehensive regional war, and the need to avoid providing direct justifications for escalation, it nevertheless finds itself compelled to use the weapons issue domestically to reshape internal power balances. At the same time, Hezbollah seeks to secure the future framework of its relationship with Syria, particularly if the Syrian-Lebanese border shifts from being merely a site of interdiction to a direct target zone.

This reality severely constrains Hizbollah’s response options while granting Israel continued latitude to strike the group’s infrastructure, capitalising on the absence of a decisive resolution to the weapons issue and on Lebanon’s institutional confusion over how to address it, whether through phased timelines or alternative formulas such as placing weapons under army control. From Israel’s perspective, this ambiguity justifies continued targeting until a decisive moment is reached.

Within this context, Israel’s strategy of imposing a new reality across its border fronts aligns closely with the transition to the second phase of President Trump’s plan. This approach corresponds with Israel’s efforts over the past two years to redraw geographical and security realities in Syria, Gaza, Lebanon, and even the West Bank. While the Trump administration opposed a formal declaration of annexation in the West Bank, it did not object in practice to Israel’s on-the-ground measures, allowing these changes to solidify as irreversible facts.

Security measures taken today may therefore establish realities that will be difficult to reverse in the future. From Washington’s perspective, redrawing borders may be seen as laying the groundwork for what it terms “regional peace,” treating the new border realities as spaces for potential economic or developmental investment.

Netanyahu’s visit to the White House thus represents a pivotal moment. He will seek to position himself as a central actor in the next phase, consolidate new realities along Israel’s immediate borders, and secure U.S. backing in addressing non-adjacent fronts, most notably Iraq, and above all Iran.

Iran is left to grapple with an increasingly severe internal reality marked by mounting economic, social, service-related, and security challenges, and is simultaneously categorized as part of the camp of “obstructors of regional peace” in Trump’s framework, opening the door to intensified pressure and varied forms of targeting in the period ahead.

Dr Amer Al Sabaileh, a professor in the University of Jordan contributed this analysis to the Jordan Times.

Opinion

Can Netanyahu Reshape The Middle East?

CrossFireArabia
August 8, 2025

By Mohammad Abu Rumman

What happened on October 7th was not merely a surprise, bloody attack for Israel—it marked a watershed moment that redefined its security doctrine and the limits of its regional project. It was a moment strikingly similar to what the events of September 11th represented for the United States. Immediately after the launch of the Al Aqsa Flood operation, prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu wasted no time in drawing a direct comparison to 9/11.

This comparison was not just rhetorical or meant to rally emotions. It reflects a much deeper strategic vision. Netanyahu is using the shock of the attack to advance an old-new Israeli project: restructuring the region’s security and political landscape in a way that guarantees Israel near-absolute security in a demilitarised environment, free of any threats.

After the 9/11 attacks, US neoconservatives in the White House seized the moment to implement the “Project for the New American Century”—a vision developed by think tanks and figures like Paul Wolfowitz, William Kristol and Robert Kagan. Founded in 1997, the project aimed to reshape the global order and maintain American dominance, with Iraq, Syria, and Iran at the heart of its ambitions. September 11th became the ideal pretext to accelerate this vision through the invasion of Iraq and redrawing the map of the Middle East.

Today, Netanyahu is doing something strikingly similar. He sees the Al Aqsa Flood as a historic opportunity to accelerate his own regional vision—one that is no longer confined to Gaza but extends to southern Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Gaza again, and even the political dynamics in Turkey and several Arab states.

Those following Netanyahu’s rhetoric—and that of his ministers—can clearly see that Israel is no longer content with merely deterring its enemies. It now seeks to re-engineer the entire geopolitical landscape of the region. In southern Syria, Netanyahu stated clearly: “We will not allow any military forces threatening our borders to remain in southern Syria, and we will not return to the old equation.” Defence minister Yoav Gallant added that Israel will reshape the reality there to ensure its strategic security—which essentially means preventing the Syrian army from returning to its previous positions and enforcing a safe corridor between Sweida and the Golan Heights in line with Israeli interests.

In Lebanon, the objective has shifted from merely weakening Hizbollah to explicitly disarming the group entirely and eliminating its missile capabilities, which pose a direct threat to Israel.

In Gaza, the discussion is no longer about reconstruction or humanitarian relief. The conversation centers on the “day after”—meaning the complete removal of Hamas, disarmament of all resistance forces, and transforming Gaza into a powerless entity under full Israeli security control.

Even the proposed Palestinian state mentioned in the recent New York declaration is envisioned as a demilitarized one—to appease Netanyahu. Yet, he still won’t accept it. Israel has already moved past the idea of any sovereign Palestinian state. What’s “allowed”, according to current Israeli thinking, are fragmented cantons and voluntary or forced displacement of Palestinians.

As for Iran, Israel’s confrontation with Tehran is open-ended, aiming to reduce its missile capabilities and eliminate its strategic threat. It is also plausible that Israel’s strategic vision may extend to shaping the political scene in Turkey—possibly by pushing for a government more aligned with Israeli interests—and exerting pressure on certain Arab states, even those officially labeled as “friendly” to Tel Aviv.

This project is no longer tied to Netanyahu’s personal political survival. It has become close to a national consensus among Israeli institutions and political elites. Leaders like Yair Lapid or Naftali Bennett are unlikely to reverse course or return Israel to the pre-October 8th status quo.

What’s unfolding today isn’t a series of short-term security tactics. It’s a long-term strategic plan aimed at reshaping the regional balance of power and cementing Israel’s status as the undisputed regional superpower.

The author is a columnist for the Jordan Times

Opinion

Syria – The New Battleground?

CrossFireArabia
July 21, 2025

By Dr Amer Al Sabaileh

Southern Syria has returned to the center of regional attention with the recent outbreak of violent clashes. These developments, while not surprising, reflect the ongoing fragility of Syria’s political and security landscape. Since the collapse of the Assad regime, Syria has remained in a state of uncertainty, with internal power balances eroded and the rise of the Shar-Joulani administration in the absence of a viable and inclusive governance framework.

Over the past seven months, the country has witnessed massacres and targeted attacks against Alawites, Druze, Kurds, and Christians—clear signs of deep and worsening instability. This internal collapse is being exploited by external actors, particularly Israel, which views southwestern Syria as critical to establishing a demilitarized buffer zone along the Golan Heights. Despite the complexity of Syria’s internal landscape, Israeli strategic calculations in southwestern Syria remain a pivotal factor in shaping the region’s future.

While Israel initially entered the scene under the banner of “protecting the Druze,” this intervention risks inflaming sectarian tensions and sparking a prolonged conflict. At the same time, it has begun to impose a new reality on the ground—one that cannot be addressed without genuine understanding amongst key Syrian groups such as the Druze and Kurds, as well as broader arrangements with Israel itself. The latter has already sent unmistakable signals to Damascus through symbolic military strikes, indicating that future operations could escalate to directly undermine or even topple the current regime.

The ongoing clashes in Sweida and Damascus are likely to persist, especially in the absence of a clear military map for southern Syria. This suggests that Israeli strikes on military infrastructure in Damascus and beyond may continue. Furthermore, sectarian instability is set to deepen amid mutual distrust between the Druze, Bedouin tribes, and the central government—raising the probability of renewed violence. The recent developments have provided Druze militias with significant de facto autonomy, potentially opening the door for direct regional support, as they increasingly emerge as independent actors on the ground.

In parallel, this fragmentation heightens the risk of southern Syria becoming a multi-front proxy battlefield. Hezbollah—under internal pressure in Lebanon—alongside Iranian militias, may seek to open a new front against Israel, exploiting Syria’s geography to mount a tangible threat and divert Israeli focus away from Tehran.

These developments expose the deep institutional fragility of the Syrian state. The new transitional government remains unable to assert control or establish legitimacy in contested provinces, which paves the way for militias to expand their influence and for chaos to deepen. With the resurgence of extremist groups, the implications for long-term stability and reconstruction in Syria are deeply alarming.

Israel is moving forward with plans to establish a demilitarized buffer zone along its border with Syria, administered by friendly or at least non-hostile forces. The areas of Sweida and southern Daraa are of particular strategic importance, as Israel aims to prevent the advance of forces loyal to the new Syrian administration or the infiltration of Iranian proxies and Hezbollah operatives.

This unprecedented weakening of the Syrian administration may leave it increasingly prone to align with Israeli interests or offer major concessions simply to survive—an opportunity Israel will likely exploit to reshape not just Syria’s security geography, but its broader political map in accordance with long-term Israeli strategic goals.

From the Jordanian perspective, this evolving reality on Syria’s southern border presents a real and growing threat to national security. The concern goes beyond the spectre of chaos or fighting spilling across the border. It’s about a broader attempt to reshape the geopolitical landscape of the entire region—a transformation that will inevitably affect Jordan. Rising security threats are likely to be accompanied by political ones, as the drivers and dynamics of the Syrian conflict may cross borders. This makes it imperative for Jordan to adopt a proactive approach that prevents the spread of this new reality—both in its security and societal dimensions—into its own territory.

The author is a writer for The Jordan Times