‘Living Graves’, Is How Palestinian Journalist Describes Israeli Prison

Veteran Palestinian journalist Ali Samoudi described Israeli prisons as “living graves” after his release on Thursday, appearing in severely deteriorated physical condition following his arrest by Israeli forces last year.

Samoudi, who worked for the Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds and international media outlets, said he lost 60 kilograms (about 132 pounds) while in Israeli prison. “My weight was 120 kilograms (about 264 pounds); now my weight is 60 kilograms,” Samoudi said.

According to Samoudi, prison conditions were harsh and cruel, and prisoners suffered. “The food is very bad. Even a cat would not eat what they eat,” he said. “Prisoners have nothing. No notebook, no pen, nothing,” he added, calling on the families of detainees to take care of their well-being. 

He was arrested in April 2025 on false claims of transferring funds to the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Samoudi and his family strongly denied the allegations.

In a statement issued in January, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate said al-Samoudi has not been granted a fair trial and that his arrest is “a blatant violation of international law and press freedom”.

The syndicate also warned “that his life is now at risk” due to the harsh and inhumane treatment he has been experiencing in prison.

Samoudi’s son, Mohammed, said his father was an “independent journalist who isn’t affiliated with any party,” adding he was “surprised to hear him being accused of ties with Islamic Jihad. I was in shock.”

Mohammed said the forces raided their home at around 5 A.M., searched the premises and destroyed some of the family’s belongings before taking his father away. He said he didn’t know where his father is being held, but said the family is particularly worried because he is diabetic and suffers from high blood pressure, and therefore needs a special diet and medications.

On May 8, 2025, Wafa reported that an Israeli court had issued an administrative detention order against him for a period of six months.

This was because the Israeli army said it did not have “sufficient evidence” to formally charge him and had hence issued an administrative detention order.

In a statement issued to the United States news group CNN, the Israeli army said: “As sufficient evidence was not found against him, and in light of the accumulated intelligence material, security authorities requested to consider issuing an administrative detention order.”

The military claimed the order was justified as Samoudi’s “presence” posed “a danger to the security of the region”.

Since then, Samoudi has been held in administrative detention and his detention order has been repeatedly renewed.

Samoudi also witnessed the Israeli killing of Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh in Jenin in 2022 and was himself injured that day.

“I was there personally and witnessed the whole thing,” he said about the killing of his colleague. “There was no one there apart from the Israeli force, and they were the ones who shot at us.”

The Palestinian Prisoners’ Society said Samoudi is among more than 3,530 Palestinians held under administrative detention, in addition to over 40 journalists still held in Israeli prisons, including four women.

The group renewed calls for the release of all detained journalists and urged the international community to take responsibility for ongoing violations against prisoners.

More than 9,600 Palestinians remain in Israeli prisons, including women and children, facing torture, starvation and medical neglect, which have led to the deaths of dozens, according to Palestinian and Israeli rights groups. – Quds News Network

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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Giant Phillippines Volcano Shows no Rest!

Mayon Volcano in the Philippines continued to show signs of intensified unrest, with authorities reporting dozens of volcanic earthquakes and tremors over the past 24 hours while maintaining Alert Level 3, local media reported on Saturday.

The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) said that from the volcano, they recorded 51 volcanic earthquakes, 30 volcanic tremors lasting between two and 45 minutes, as well as hundreds of rockfall events and six pyroclastic density current signals, according to local media outlet the Inquirer.

The institute also reported ongoing lava effusion from the crater, with lava flows extending several kilometers along the Basud, Bonga, and Mi-isi gullies.

Short-lived lava fountaining was also observed.

The volcano emitted 1,482 tons of sulfur dioxide on Friday, higher than the previous day’s level, while a volcanic plume drifted southwestward.

Authorities continued to prohibit entry within the 6-kilometer (3.72-mile) permanent danger zone and warned against flying aircraft near the volcano.

The institute warned nearby communities of potential hazards including lava flows, rockfalls, pyroclastic density currents, moderate explosions, and lahars (mud or debris flow) triggered by heavy rainfall. Anadolu

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