Can Netanyahu Reshape The Middle East?

By Mohammad Abu Rumman

What happened on October 7th was not merely a surprise, bloody attack for Israel—it marked a watershed moment that redefined its security doctrine and the limits of its regional project. It was a moment strikingly similar to what the events of September 11th represented for the United States. Immediately after the launch of the Al Aqsa Flood operation, prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu wasted no time in drawing a direct comparison to 9/11.

This comparison was not just rhetorical or meant to rally emotions. It reflects a much deeper strategic vision. Netanyahu is using the shock of the attack to advance an old-new Israeli project: restructuring the region’s security and political landscape in a way that guarantees Israel near-absolute security in a demilitarised environment, free of any threats.

After the 9/11 attacks, US neoconservatives in the White House seized the moment to implement the “Project for the New American Century”—a vision developed by think tanks and figures like Paul Wolfowitz, William Kristol and Robert Kagan. Founded in 1997, the project aimed to reshape the global order and maintain American dominance, with Iraq, Syria, and Iran at the heart of its ambitions. September 11th became the ideal pretext to accelerate this vision through the invasion of Iraq and redrawing the map of the Middle East.

Today, Netanyahu is doing something strikingly similar. He sees the Al Aqsa Flood as a historic opportunity to accelerate his own regional vision—one that is no longer confined to Gaza but extends to southern Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Gaza again, and even the political dynamics in Turkey and several Arab states.

Those following Netanyahu’s rhetoric—and that of his ministers—can clearly see that Israel is no longer content with merely deterring its enemies. It now seeks to re-engineer the entire geopolitical landscape of the region. In southern Syria, Netanyahu stated clearly: “We will not allow any military forces threatening our borders to remain in southern Syria, and we will not return to the old equation.” Defence minister Yoav Gallant added that Israel will reshape the reality there to ensure its strategic security—which essentially means preventing the Syrian army from returning to its previous positions and enforcing a safe corridor between Sweida and the Golan Heights in line with Israeli interests.

In Lebanon, the objective has shifted from merely weakening Hizbollah to explicitly disarming the group entirely and eliminating its missile capabilities, which pose a direct threat to Israel.

In Gaza, the discussion is no longer about reconstruction or humanitarian relief. The conversation centers on the “day after”—meaning the complete removal of Hamas, disarmament of all resistance forces, and transforming Gaza into a powerless entity under full Israeli security control.

Even the proposed Palestinian state mentioned in the recent New York declaration is envisioned as a demilitarized one—to appease Netanyahu. Yet, he still won’t accept it. Israel has already moved past the idea of any sovereign Palestinian state. What’s “allowed”, according to current Israeli thinking, are fragmented cantons and voluntary or forced displacement of Palestinians.

As for Iran, Israel’s confrontation with Tehran is open-ended, aiming to reduce its missile capabilities and eliminate its strategic threat. It is also plausible that Israel’s strategic vision may extend to shaping the political scene in Turkey—possibly by pushing for a government more aligned with Israeli interests—and exerting pressure on certain Arab states, even those officially labeled as “friendly” to Tel Aviv.

This project is no longer tied to Netanyahu’s personal political survival. It has become close to a national consensus among Israeli institutions and political elites. Leaders like Yair Lapid or Naftali Bennett are unlikely to reverse course or return Israel to the pre-October 8th status quo.

What’s unfolding today isn’t a series of short-term security tactics. It’s a long-term strategic plan aimed at reshaping the regional balance of power and cementing Israel’s status as the undisputed regional superpower.

The author is a columnist for the Jordan Times

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Free Hussam Abu Safieh: 600 Days in Israeli Jail

By Ismail Al Sharif

This is the last time you’ll see me. They brought me here to kill me’ – Dr. Hussam Abu Safieh.

Dr. Hussam Abu Safieh, a pediatrician and director of Kamal Adwan Hospital, has been detained by the Israeli occupation forces for nearly 600 days without trial or charges.

His only crime was trying to save the children of Gaza, condemning the crimes he witnessed, and documenting the suffering of the injured children who arrived at the hospital. He shared their images and testimonies with the world; these sparked a wave of outrage and solidarity with the Palestinian people of Gaza.

The occupation has not only bombed hospitals and cut off their electricity, causing premature babies to die in their incubators, and not only prevented medicine from reaching the wounded and denied them treatment, but it has also targeted doctors, paramedics, aid workers, journalists, and anyone who reached out to save the victims.

It doesn’t want witnesses to its crimes. But wants a fully-fledged crime committed in secret, then justified with a ready-made accusation: Belonging to Hamas, or being present in a place allegedly used by members belonging to the organization.

Dr. Abu Safieh was abducted while on duty and subsequently subjected to torture and ill-treatment. His lawyer, Nasser Odeh, documented severe injuries, difficulty breathing, and repeated episodes of unconsciousness during a visit to him on 2 July this month. He was brought to the meeting handcuffed and shackled, surrounded by masked soldiers who concealed their faces, as their actions constitute a crime.

More than 200 healthcare workers have been killed in Gaza, many as a result of direct targeting, while more than 300 doctors and healthcare workers remain detained without trial or charge; as if saving children has become a crime.

Similarly, the Israeli occupation forces abducted Palestinian surgeon Khaled al-Sir from Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis while he was working and detained him for six months before releasing him from Ofer Prison. His family remained unaware of his fate throughout this period.

The thirty-two-year-old doctor described his arrest as a “nightmare,” after he was subjected to torture, humiliation, and denied medical care. He considered himself lucky to have emerged unscathed, while some of his colleagues lost limbs due to being denied medical treatment.

No war has ever claimed so many victims among those who dedicated their lives to saving others. Despite appeals from international, human rights, and grassroots organizations, Dr.  Abu Safieh and his colleagues have not been released.

Appeals are no longer enough; what is needed is genuine political pressure, and the issue of detained doctors must be at the forefront of the priorities of Arab leaders and politicians. Remaining silent about the detention of those who gave their lives to save people is not merely a sign of weakness, but a dereliction of the most basic human and moral obligations.

This is a translated piece written by Ismail Al Sharif and published in the Arabic Addustour newspaper in Amman and appears in crossfirearabia.com

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‘Dad, What’s a Ballistic Missile?’

By Firas Al Nassan

Suddenly, I realized that the war with Iran had changed the words we use every day, adding a new vocabulary to our lives, along with the sarcastic lexicon that accompanied footage of people staying up all night watching missiles, hearing air raid sirens, and brazenly dragging missile debris behind them.

My son surprised me with this question just a few days ago. He wasn’t looking for information for a homework assignment, nor was he watching a documentary; he was watching the news with me. I paused for a moment before answering him. Not because explaining the term was difficult, but because I realized that the war hadn’t just changed the political and military landscape, but also the words and semantics now echo in our homes.

Months ago, most of us couldn’t distinguish between a ballistic missile and a cruise missile, and words like “hypersonic,” “drones,” or “air interception” weren’t part of our daily conversations. Today, however, they’re on everyone’s lips. From children to the elderly, from taxi drivers to office workers who start their day by browsing the news.

Even the word “intercept” has changed its meaning. It no longer refers to interrupting someone while they’re speaking, but rather to the success of an air defense system in shooting down a missile before it reaches its target. “Barrage” is no longer associated with rain, but with the number of missiles launched simultaneously. As for “de-escalation,” it has become the most frequently used expression, and perhaps the least achievable.

Remarkably, the war has not only changed military vocabulary, but has also redefined the very concept of place. The Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, and the Red Sea are names that, for many, were merely locations on a map. Now, they have become headline news, determining oil prices, shipping traffic, flight paths, and even market sentiment.

Years ago, anyone who spoke about ballistic missiles or air defenses was considered a military expert or a security analyst. Today, these terms have become part of the general culture, used by people with ease, as if they were words they’ve known for ages.

After I finished explaining the meaning of “ballistic” to my son, it occurred to me that every war has consequences that cannot be measured solely by the number of missiles or the extent of the destruction. There is another, less noisy, impact that lingers with us for a long time: Words.

Wars not only impose new realities on the ground, but they also add new vocabulary to our language. Some of these words disappear with the end of the fighting, while others remain for years, bearing witness to an entire era.

I hope that one day my son will ask me about the meaning of a new word, one unrelated to missiles or air defenses, but rather to travel, exploration, or peace.

The author originally wrote this piece in Arabic and published in Ad Dustour daily in Amman, Jordan  

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