Despite Ceasefire Gaza’s ‘Humanitarian’ Crisis Remains Acute

Sixteen days have passed since the ceasefire agreement between Israel and Palestinian factions was announced, yet the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip is still dire. Nearly all forms of aid remain disrupted, and the urgent humanitarian needs of the Strip’s roughly 2.3 million residents have not been met.

Despite the ceasefire agreement announced on 19 January, which reduced the intensity of Israel’s daily bombing and killings, the humanitarian situation and living conditions have remained dire, with homes and infrastructure in all its forms severely destroyed.

Though the number of trucks entering the Gaza Strip has increased, the Euro-Med Monitor field team’s preliminary analysis of the volume and type of aid entering the enclave reveals that some of it is goods for merchants, i.e. non-essential items like snacks, which are not a priority for the people of the Strip. This is also true of other aid being delivered in trucks to international organisations within the Strip.

While hundreds of thousands of Gazans live in a tragic reality every day, the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip is only getting worse. International commitments have not substantially alleviated the suffering of the populace, as urgent humanitarian concerns remain unresolved.

Since the ceasefire agreement went into effect, about 8,500 trucks have entered the Gaza Strip, but only about 35% of them have made it to the northern part of the Strip. Emergency needs are estimated to require around 1,000 trucks per day, but the number of trucks that are able to reach the enclave does not exceed half of this daily need.

Euro-Med Monitor reiterates that many of the trucks that have entered are carrying goods for merchants rather than humanitarian aid, and the majority of this aid is non-essential.

There is an urgent need for temporary shelter in the form of tents and mobile homes, which were supposed to be introduced under the ceasefire agreement, because hundreds of thousands of displaced Palestinians have returned from the south to their residential areas in the northern part of the Gaza Valley. So far, however, Israel has not fulfilled its end of the deal.

The initial need was estimated to be around 120,000 tents, but only 9,500 tents—the majority of which are small and of poor quality—arrived in the Strip. This means that the tents that have arrived only make up eight percent of the total emergency need, and that hundreds of thousands of residents lack adequate temporary housing due to the widespread destruction of homes and buildings across the Strip, particularly in Rafah, the northern Gaza Strip, and large portions of Gaza City and Khan Younis.

The Strip is receiving half of the agreed-upon amount of fuel and petrol needed to run the basic services sector, which is 30 trucks per day on average due to the urgent need to support emergency services, and 14 trucks per day on average.

Sanitary wares, water pipes, solar power, and materials for home restoration are additional urgent needs that would allow families to remain in their partially destroyed homes while any of these are being installed.

About 85% of the water wells in the Strip have been destroyed, and Israel has forbidden the importation of supplies to repair and restore them. According to estimates from the Gaza Municipality and the northern Gaza Strip municipalities, 100 wells in the northern Gaza Valley need to be restored and repaired immediately; none have been fixed thus far.

It is imperative that municipalities and service sectors install solar panels, water tanks, water extensions, and submersible pumps for water wells, plus electricity batteries, in order to meet the basic needs of people living in alternative housing areas.

To date, no suitable tools or systems have been permitted to clear debris, recover victims’ bodies, clear streets, or remove deteriorating structures that endanger the lives of locals in the Gaza Strip.

While only four pieces of equipment, including small ones, were brought in to repair the Rafah border crossing and the road leading to it, the ceasefire included an agreement to provide 100 pieces of various heavy equipment to open streets and retrieve bodies.

Regarding medical devices and equipment, none of the equipment needed to resume hospital operations, such as MRI machines, has arrived in the Gaza Strip. This is especially true for Al-Shifa Hospital, whose buildings and equipment were extensively destroyed and set on fire by the Israeli occupation army. Meanwhile, the European Hospital urgently needs to replace its malfunctioning MRI machine, and Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Yunis has yet to receive one. The same applies to radiology equipment, as the Strip lacks all X-ray and C-Arm devices. Since their generators were destroyed or burned during the genocide, hospitals now require generators as well.

The lack of these essential components represents the parties’ inability to protect and care for those impacted by Israel’s genocide over a period of more than 15 months. This exacerbates civilian suffering, as does the delayed delivery of urgent humanitarian aid that the people are demanding.

The international community and mediators in the ceasefire agreement must act immediately and urgently to meet urgent humanitarian needs; activate support and assistance mechanisms to ensure the safety and dignity of hundreds of thousands of affected individuals; and ensure strict monitoring and independent investigations to secure the implementation of humanitarian and legal obligations, with the sole goal of protecting civilians and guaranteeing their basic rights.

Taking the needs of women, children, and members of the most vulnerable groups into account, swift action must be taken to appropriately address the immediate needs of the people living in the Strip. This includes providing adequate temporary housing; ensuring the entry and access of all humanitarian aid; and removing any restrictions or blockades that impede the provision of relief to the civilian population, including hospital services and access to water and education. Additionally, social and psychological support must be provided to address the devastating psychological effects of the genocide, particularly on children and survivors of direct attacks.

The humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip is worsening due to the international community’s ongoing inaction and indifference to the delayed entry of basic necessities. The international community must instead stand together and take immediate action to guarantee that aid reaches those in need as soon as possible.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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