Glorious Past: The Red Bidas Palace!

From Palestinian Heritage:

The Bidas House in the Manshiyya Neighborhood (The Red Palace) was built in 1925 by Bidas Effendi next to the famous Hassan Bek Mosque.

It became known for it architectural splendor known as the “Red Palace” due to the unique red marble that covered its exterior walls. Its owner imported the stones specifically by ship from Lebanon for its construction.

It soon gained a popular status. The Red Palace was so magnificent it became the proverbial in Jaffa; if the city’s residents wanted to boast about their home’s architecture, they would say: “Your house is the Bidas house.”

After the 1948 Nakba and the family’s displacement, the building was used for various purposes (including a youth center) until the Israel demolished the famous landmark in 1974. The David Intercontinental Hotel was later built on the site.

The Bdeis Family Mansions in the Sheikh Munis Village

Since the Bdeis family originated from the depopulated village of Sheikh Munis (the northern suburb of Jaffa, where Tel Aviv University is now located), the family owned several luxurious mansions and villas built amidst the vast orange groves. Among the most prominent were:

The Mansion of Abdul Rahim Yusuf Bdeis (Abu Abbas), head of the family and the village’s leading figure. This magnificent historical mansion was visited by King Abdullah I bin Al-Hussein in 1944.

Unlike the Al-Manshiyya Mansion, some of the family’s houses and mansions in Sheikh Munis still stand today. They are surrounded by Tel Aviv University buildings and are used by the Israeli occupation as lecturers’ clubs or institutes, such as the house of Ibrahim Abu Kahil (known as the Green House) and other houses belonging to the Mufleh and Amin Bdeis families.

[Original image and second image are a simulation. What if it hadn’t been demolished and had been restored by Palestinians? What if Palestine hadn’t been occupied?]

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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  • September 1, 2026

Bushra al-Tawil, 33, moved to solitary confinement at Ramla prison; she is part of 99 Palestinian women In Israeli jails.

Israeli authorities have moved Palestinian journalist and detainee Bushra al-Tawil, 33, to solitary confinement at Ramla prison, nearly six months after her arrest and transfer to administrative detention, the Palestinian Prisoner Society said Monday.

The group said al-Tawil, from the West Bank city of Al-Bireh, was arrested in February and later placed under administrative detention. She had previously been detained several times, most of them under the same procedure, it added.

Al-Tawil first experienced detention in 2011, when she was 18, according to the society. Her father, Jamal al-Tawil, also remains in an Israeli prison and is among Palestinian detainees who have spent extended periods under administrative detention.

The society said the family has faced repeated raids and harassment, including deliberate damage to their home during the arrests of Bushra and her father.

Al-Tawil had also been placed in solitary confinement several times during her current detention at Damon prison, the group said, describing the latest transfer as part of a broader pattern of punitive measures against her.

The transfer comes amid worsening conditions for Palestinian women held in Israeli prisons, including food deprivation, denial of medical care, solitary confinement, and poor detention conditions. It also said scabies had spread among female detainees amid inadequate hygiene and health care.

About 90 Palestinian women are currently held in Israeli prisons, according to the society.

‘Unprecedented level of brutality and disrespect’

The group said al-Tawil’s transfer followed a visit Sunday by extremist Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir to the women’s section of Damon prison. Ben-Gvir posted footage from the visit “in a scene that embodies an unprecedented level of brutality and disrespect for the dignity and rights of female prisoners,” the society said.

The society accused Israeli authorities of subjecting female detainees to systematic raids, filming, and invasive searches, including forced strip searches.

It said solitary confinement, denial of medical treatment, food deprivation, and harsh detention conditions form part of policies imposed on Palestinian prisoners since Israel launched its genocide on Gaza in October 2023.

The group described Israeli prisons as having become “grounds for torture as one of the most prominent aspects of the ongoing crime of genocide” and held Israel fully responsible for the safety of al-Tawil and other Palestinian female detainees.

It called on international and human rights groups to work urgently to halt the violations and protect the prisoners.

About 9,500 Palestinians are held in Israeli prisons, including around 90 women and more than 350 children, who face food deprivation, torture, and medical neglect, according to Palestinian and Israeli rights groups. Anadolu

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Analysis: Israel Assassinates to Change The Power Balance
  • HebaHeba
  • September 1, 2026

GAZA – The Gaza Strip is witnessing an escalation in Israeli assassinations and targeted killings. This is coinciding with US diplomatic efforts to advance the second phase of the 15-point Roadmap. This situation places the negotiation process in a highly sensitive position and to a political test.

This situation assessment made by Ibrahim Al-Hawajri for the Palestinian Center for Political Studies, analyzes the timing of the wave of attacks in the Strip for August 2026 and the American efforts led by US envoy Jared Kushner. It emphasizes however, that this correlation does not prove there is a direct causal relationship, but warrants monitoring and analysis.

Negotiations Under Fire

In late July 2026, Hamas agreed to a 15-point American roadmap for implementing the Sharm el-Sheikh Protocol commitments. These included confining and storing the movement’s weapons, the withdrawal of Israeli forces, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian technocratic administration to manage the Gaza Strip.

The Israeli government conditioned any withdrawal on the “genuine” and prior disarmament of Hamas, while the American-Egyptian proposal linked disarmament to a parallel withdrawal and a simultaneous reconstruction process.

On 16 August, a meeting was held in El Alamein between Jared Kushner, Nikolay Mladenov, and Tony Blair on one side, and Khalil al-Hayya, Egyptian intelligence chief Major General Hassan Rashad, and Qatari Minister Ali al-Thawadi on the other. The meeting lasted approximately 90 minutes.

This political activity coincided with the continuation of Israeli airstrikes on areas in Gaza, before the wave of attacks intensified following Kushner’s return and his meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Escalating Targeting

The assessment noted a series of targeted attacks against figures associated with the Palestinian security and military establishment, including the killing of Colonel Wael al-Ladawi and his assistant, Major Ramez Abu Zureiq, on 26 July when their vehicle was bombed in Deir al-Balah.

Late July saw the assassination of the director of the Jabalia refugee camp police station, along with six officers and personnel. Less than three weeks later, Brigadier General Abdel Nasser al-Maqadma, the police chief of North Gaza Governorate, was also killed.

Two Israeli airstrikes on 19 August in Gaza City killed 10 Palestinians, including nine in the bombing of the municipal police headquarters, among them a woman and a child. Around 20 others were wounded. An Israeli military source also reported that a “Qassam Brigades commander” was targeted in the Nuseirat refugee camp.

A joint statement issued by Qatar, Egypt, and Turkey on 20 August condemned the Israeli attacks and called on the Trump administration’s Middle East Peace Council to ensure the Israeli government’s full compliance with the ceasefire agreement.

On 23 August, the Israeli army and Shin Bet announced the assassination of Ismail Abu Foul in the Maghazi area, claiming he was responsible for manufacturing explosive devices and anti-tank missiles.

Negotiating Pressure and Imposing Facts on the Ground

The assessment presents three dimensions to the escalation coinciding with diplomatic activity. The first is providing political and media cover for the strikes while international attention is focused on de-escalation efforts.

The second dimension is the depletion of the Palestinian leadership and security apparatus, necessitating a reorganization of ranks in parallel with managing sensitive negotiations.

The third dimension is the reframing of the cessation of assassinations as a bargaining chip that can be used to extract concessions, rather than as a fundamental requirement in a ceasefire agreement.

The assessment indicates that the Israeli narrative presents the targeted killings as military operations aimed at rebuilding combat capabilities, while Hamas denies the military status of several of those targeted and describes the targeting of police stations as an attack on civilian infrastructure.

Three Possible Paths

The assessment suggests that assassinations will continue in parallel with negotiations in the short term, given the ongoing disagreement over the sequence of disarmament and withdrawal. This could lead to protracted negotiations, partial agreements, and intermittent escalations.

The assessment also suggests a moderate likelihood of actual US pressure to halt the assassinations if the Trump administration deems Israeli operations a threat to its political project in Gaza. This would improve the chances of implementing the next phase of the agreement.

The assessment places the collapse of the negotiating track as the least likely but most dangerous scenario. An escalation of strikes and a retaliatory response could lead to a return to open confrontation and the collapse of the ceasefire.

Conclusion

The assessment concludes that the escalation of assassinations following Kushner’s visit does not prove there is a joint US-Israeli decision to escalate, but rather reveals a conflict over the rules of engagement for the next phase.

It indicates that the occupying government seeks to maintain its instruments of force, assassination, and field pressure alongside the negotiating table, while Washington attempts to push the parties toward a new political formula.

The assessment confirms that the future of the Gaza negotiations will not be determined solely within the confines of Cairo and Washington, but also by the realities on the ground. The party capable of imposing facts on the ground will be best positioned to influence the shape of any agreement reached at the negotiating table according to the Palestinian Information Center.

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