How Israel Destroyed Rafah?

Israeli forces continue to attack Gaza residents in violation of the terms of the ceasefire agreement, the first phase of which took effect on 19 January. Airstrikes and gunfire targeting civilians and their property continue in various areas of Gaza, resulting in hundreds of deaths and injuries. Meanwhile, the entry and distribution of humanitarian aid – particularly medical equipment, hospital supplies, tents, mobile homes, and essential machinery for rubble removal and body recovery – remains severely hampered. As a result, civilians face deteriorating humanitarian conditions due to the widespread destruction of infrastructure and essential services. In Rafah, displaced residents continue to be prevented from returning to their homes, while Israeli forces are systematically demolishing both private and public buildings in the city.

Israeli forces redeployed along Gaza’s borders in the first phase of the ceasefire agreement continue to maintain absolute control and a heavy military presence in most areas of Rafah in southern Gaza for the 10th consecutive month. Field reports indicate that since the invasion of Rafah in early May 2024 and the seizure of the Palestinian side of the Rafah crossing, the Salah al-Din axis (Philadelphi Corridor), and other parts of the city, Israeli forces have systematically destroyed infrastructure. Explosions and the sound of military machinery remain constant on the outskirts of the city, while residents are still barred from returning to most areas. The majority of Rafah’s displaced population remains in makeshift tents in central Gaza and in Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis.

According to information gathered by Al Mezan, Israeli forces have not kept within the designated areas outlined in the ceasefire agreement and continue to maintain positions deep inside Rafah – more than one kilometer inside the city center, extending to the eastern garage area, the Palestinian-Egyptian border to the south, and the eastern perimeter fence. These areas remain highly dangerous, where any movement is met with artillery fire, sniper attacks, and aerial bombardment.

According to the Rafah Municipality, 200,000 of the city’s 300,000 residents are still unable to return. No organizations have been able to access many of the areas that are still under Israeli control, including Abu Al-Saeed in Tal Al-Sultan – stretching from the coast to the Rafah Crossing – as well as neighbourhoods deep within the city, such as Al-Awda and Al-Najma squares. Of Rafah’s total area of 60,000 dunams, 60% has been declared a restricted and highly dangerous zone.

More than 90% of Rafah’s neighbourhoods have been completely or partially destroyed, with severe damage to residential buildings, roads, and essential public infrastructure – including health, government, and commercial facilities. The damage is particularly concentrated in the southern and western parts of the city, where six out of fifteen neighbourhoods and five refugee camps have been completely levelled. In addition, nine medical centers were destroyed, including the Abu Yousef Al-Najjar Hospital – the only government hospital in Rafah – the Kuwaiti Hospital, and the Indonesian Field Hospital. Approximately 70% of sewage and water pumps have been destroyed, while electricity and communications networks have nearly totally collapsed. The amount of rubble in Rafah is estimated at 20 million tons, with many bodies still believed to be trapped beneath it.

According to the Gaza Ministry of Health, Israeli forces have killed 111 civilians and injured 916 others since the ceasefire came into effect. The Rafah Municipality reports that approximately 40% of these casualties occurred in Rafah, as residents attempted to check on their homes and agricultural lands. The most recent victim, Hanaa Tawfiq Suleiman Hassanein (Al-Ghouti), was killed on 21 February 2025 when an Israeli tank fired at her home in the Al-Jeneina neighborhood, in the eastern part of Rafah, shortly after she returned home.

Mr. Mohammed Hassan Abu Sultan, 35 years old, married and a father of two, shared his experience of attempting to return to his home in Rafah:

“In early May 2024, my family and I were forced to flee to Deir al-Balah, and later to Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, where we struggled to live in a tent with meager resources. When the ceasefire was announced on 19 January 2025, I was overjoyed, believing that I could finally return home and leave the hardships of displacement behind. But the next day, I discovered that the Israeli forces had not completely withdrawn from Rafah. A few days later, I tried to check on my house in the Al-Jeneina neighbourhood. When I arrived in Rafah, I was shocked by the extent of the destruction. Before I even reached my neighbourhood, I and others who were going to inspect our homes came under fire. I barely escaped. I later learned that the gunfire came from an Israeli crane positioned south of Al-Jeneina, with tanks stationed on nearby sand dunes. Every day I hear of more civilians being killed or injured as they try to check on their homes. I am still living in a tent in Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, enduring the bitter cold and poor conditions, waiting for the full withdrawal of Israeli forces so that I can return to my home – even if it has been destroyed.”

Similarly, Mohammed Mahdi Mousa Al-Dawoudi, 38 years old, married and a father of four, recounted his attempt to return to his home in Rafah after the ceasefire took effect:

“On 28 May 2024, my family and I, like many others, were forced to flee our home in the Tal Al-Sultan neighbourhood of Rafah due to intense bombardment and the advance of Israeli forces. We took refuge in a small tent in Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, where we endured displacement and harsh living conditions. The ceasefire was announced on 19 January 2025, after we had waited for several months to return home. I finally went back to check on my home, but when I arrived in Tal Al-Sultan, I was horrified to see entire neighbourhoods reduced to rubble. As we inspected the aftermath of the bombardment in the area, Israeli forces positioned along the Philadelphi Corridor (the Egyptian-Palestinian border) opened fire on us. I barely made it back to Al-Mawasi. I later learned that most Rafah residents are unable to return due to Israeli gunfire and military presence in the eastern and southern parts of the city. Many civilians have been killed trying to reach their homes. I remain displaced in a tent, struggling to survive the freezing temperatures, waiting for the Israeli forces to completely withdraw so that I can return to what remains of my home.

As of the time of this press release, Israeli forces continue to maintain control over most areas of Rafah, attacking residents with gunfire and other weaponry, particularly those attempting to return to their homes. The ongoing Israeli operations include the widespread demolition of homes and infrastructure, especially in the Al-Awda and Tal Al-Sultan neighbourhoods, in what appears to be a deliberate effort to alter the city’s landscape and render it uninhabitable.

Al Mezan unequivocally condemns Israel’s ongoing crimes, perpetrated in furtherance of the continuing genocide in Gaza, particularly in Rafah. We call on the international community to take urgent and concrete measures to end the genocide, stop the systematic destruction of Rafah, and ensure the safe return of displaced residents. Immediate steps must be taken to hold those responsible accountable, including full support for the International Criminal Court and other accountability mechanisms, the imposition of a two-way arms embargo on Israel, and targeted sanctions against individuals and entities complicit in these crimes. The international community must also review and suspend bilateral agreements and diplomatic ties that enable Israel’s violations, work toward dismantling the unlawful occupation, and uphold the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination.

Reliefweb

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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