‘We Will Not Leave But Rebuild Gaza’

At night he sleeps under a tarpaulin sheet on the ruins of his family home. Like others returning to northern Gaza after months of being displaced by war, Sufian Al-Majdalawi clings to whatever he can find.

Using small tools and his bare hands, he sifts through mounds of twisted debris and dirt to try and unearth belongings and important paperwork such as property deeds to prove he is the legal owner.

He dreams of one day being able to rebuild; in the short-term, he hopes that even the rubble might hold some value.

The war in Gaza has left an unprecedented level of destruction, with an estimated 51 million tons of rubble blanketing the landscape where bustling neighborhoods once thrived.

According to a new UN damage and needs assessment report, over 60 per cent of homes – amounting to some 292,000 – and 65 per cent of roads have been destroyed, across the approximately 360 square kilometre enclave.

As the international community ponders Gaza’s future and how to rebuild, Al-Majdalawi is sure of one thing: “We will not leave. That will not happen. This is our land.’’

Watermark

Moving cautiously through the rubble, Yasser Ahmed says: “I am looking for my papers.” His desperate search is made even more daunting because adjacent structures have collapsed in on each other. “Maybe while I am removing the rubble, I will find a human body, an explosive device,’’ he adds, underlining the huge emotional and physical risks of dislodging debris in a war zone.

Working with Palestinian authorities, UN development and environmental agencies and non-governmental organizations are looking at how to safely clear the rubble so that families can rebuild.

With a fragile ceasefire in place, regional talks are underway on rebuilding Gaza after 16 months of conflict. Next Tuesday, UN Secretary-General António Guterres heads to Cairo for a reconstruction summit called by Arab leaders.

Meanwhile, UN staff are drawing on similar experiences in Mosul, Iraq, and the Syrian cities of Aleppo and Latakia, all decimated by war.

Debris and rubble lines the streets of Gaza.

UN News

UNOPS, a UN agency that provides infrastructure, procurement and project management services around the world, is part of Gaza’s ‘Debris Management Working Group.’

The agency has conducted threat and risk assessments throughout the Territory, and has developed advanced GeoAI and remote sensing techniques, including 3D modeling technologies, to enhance explosive hazard evaluation and rubble removal strategies.

UNOPS Executive Director Jorge Moreira da Silva, following a recent trip to Gaza, says explosive hazard education had been provided to 250,000 Palestinians and some 1,000 humanitarian workers, providing “critical knowledge to stay safe and navigate explosive hazards effectively.”

UNDP, which helps countries reduce poverty, build resilience and achieve sustainable development, started removing rubble from Gaza in December 2024, weeks before a ceasefire began.

Sarah Poole Special Representative of the Administrator for UNDP’s Programme of Assistance to the Palestinian People.

UN News

UNDP’s Sarah Poole says about 28,500 tons of rubble were initially removed, and 290 tons of it used for roadworks to enhance humanitarian operations, restoring access to sites such as a hospital, a bakery and a critical water supply plant.

Poole describes the issue of land and property ownership in Gaza as “very complex” – particularly when title deeds, inheritance records and other legal documents are lost or destroyed.

Amjad Al-Shawa, Director of the network of NGOs in the Gaza Strip, says the issue of rubble represents a “major challenge.’’

“We need a mechanism to dispose of the rubble which will take a long time, and which requires resources that are not available in the Gaza Strip,’’ he says.

“Today, this rubble also represents the possessions of the residents. Many disputes may arise between families.’’

Some $7 million has already been made available from various donors to aid the rubble removal – but Poole says an additional $40 million is needed “in this initial phase in order to significantly scale up the work.”

Amjad Shawa, Director of the Palestinian Nongovernmental Organizations Network in Gaza Strip.

UN News

“The issue of access and the ability to bring in some of the heavy equipment that is needed is also absolutely essential,” he adds.

The challenge ahead looks daunting: Once-thriving neighborhoods have been leveled – very little remains. In this Territory where people turning 18 have already lived through five massive armed conflicts, the destruction this time is significantly worse.

The cost of the damage to physical infrastructure has been estimated at some $30 billion, according to the UN. The housing sector was the hardest hit, with losses amounting to $15.8 billion. The costs of recovery and reconstruction are estimated at over $53 billion.

Yasser Ahmed stands in front of his destroyed home in Jabalia, in the north of the Gaza Strip.

UN News

Yasser Ahmed stands in front of his destroyed home in Jabalia, in the north of the Gaza Strip.

“There is no residential life here. I look around and see nothing but destruction,’’ says Ahmed, standing in front of the wreckage of his house. “The hard work of 59 years – the number of years of my life – was lost, and everything is gone.’’

“Everything is under the rubble,’’ he says. “I miss my home … a person is only comfortable in his home and his own place.”

Nearby, Ramadan Katkat sits on the remnants of his home. Living in tents precariously perched atop mounds of rubble, he echoes the despair felt by many: Beneath them could lie a perilous mix of unexploded devices and human remains.

His wish? “We want to live.’’

Al-Majdalawi is adamant, though: “We are capable of rebuilding the land.”

Ramadan Kutkut sits on the rubble of his house in Jabalia, in the northern Gaza Strip.

UN News

Ramadan Kutkut sits on the rubble of his house in Jabalia, in the northern Gaza Strip.

UN News

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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Giant Phillippines Volcano Shows no Rest!

Mayon Volcano in the Philippines continued to show signs of intensified unrest, with authorities reporting dozens of volcanic earthquakes and tremors over the past 24 hours while maintaining Alert Level 3, local media reported on Saturday.

The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) said that from the volcano, they recorded 51 volcanic earthquakes, 30 volcanic tremors lasting between two and 45 minutes, as well as hundreds of rockfall events and six pyroclastic density current signals, according to local media outlet the Inquirer.

The institute also reported ongoing lava effusion from the crater, with lava flows extending several kilometers along the Basud, Bonga, and Mi-isi gullies.

Short-lived lava fountaining was also observed.

The volcano emitted 1,482 tons of sulfur dioxide on Friday, higher than the previous day’s level, while a volcanic plume drifted southwestward.

Authorities continued to prohibit entry within the 6-kilometer (3.72-mile) permanent danger zone and warned against flying aircraft near the volcano.

The institute warned nearby communities of potential hazards including lava flows, rockfalls, pyroclastic density currents, moderate explosions, and lahars (mud or debris flow) triggered by heavy rainfall. Anadolu

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