Houthis Give Israel Four Days to Allow Aid Into Gaza

The Houthis are ready to restart their naval military operations in the Red Sea against ships bound for Israel. The leader of the movement Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, said Israel is evading its obligations regarding the humanitarian file, and that Hamas has been keen to fully fulfill its obligations the ongoing ceasefire on Gaza.

“We announce to the whole world that we will give a four-day grace period, this is a grace period for the mediators in their efforts,” he said in a speech broadcast by the Houthi-affiliated Al-Masirah Channel.

“If the Israeli enemy continues after the first four days to prevent the entry of aid into the Gaza Strip and continues to close the crossings and prevent the entry of food and medicine into the Gaza Strip, we will resume our naval operations against the Israeli enemy and meet the siege with a siege,” Abdul-Malik Al Houthi pointed out.

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Israel Starves Gaza For Politics

Israel’s move to prevent all aid from entering the Gaza Strip after Hamas reportedly refused to accept a plan to continue with phase one of the fragile ceasefire has had an immediate impact, including a 100-fold increase in the price of flour and vegetables.

That’s according to the UN aid coordination office, OCHA, which said on Monday that the Kerem Shalom, Erez and Zikim crossing closures means that vital humanitarian assistance, including thousands of tents, can’t be delivered to civilians in need.

Phase one of the ceasefire mediated by Egypt, Qatar and the US expired on Saturday, with Hamas calling on Israel to move on to the next agreed phase – but Israel is calling instead for a continuation of phase one through the end of the Holy Month of Ramadan in line with a proposal from the top US envoy to the region.

January’s ceasefire deal has seen the release of 33 Israeli hostages who’ve been held captive since the 7 October terror attacks, with around 1,900 Palestinian prisoners exchanged.

“The ceasefire has provided the opportunity to distribute food, to distribute water, as well as shelter assistance and medical aid, allowing nearly everyone in Gaza to receive food parcels,” said UN Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric, briefing reporters in New York.

“Our humanitarian partners tell us that following the closure of the crossings into Gaza yesterday, flour and vegetable prices increased more than 100-fold. Partners are currently assessing the stocks that are currently available,” he added.

Ceasefire, ‘a critical lifeline’: UNICEF    

The UN children’s agency, UNICEFwarned that the stoppage of aid deliveries into Gaza will quickly lead to devastating consequences for children and families who are simply struggling to survive.

“The aid restrictions announced yesterday will severely compromise lifesaving operations for civilians,” said Edouard Beigbeder, UNICEF Regional Director for the Middle East. “It is imperative that the ceasefire – a critical lifeline for children – remains in place, and that aid is allowed to flow freely so we can continue to scale up the humanitarian response.”

The agency said that between 19 January and last Friday, almost 1,000 UNICEF trucks had crossed into the enclave carrying clean water, medical supplies, vaccines, therapeutic food and other materials.

Since the start of the ceasefire on 19 January, UNICEF and partners have provided warm clothing to 150,000 children in Gaza and increased daily water distribution for nearly half a million people living in more remote areas, Mr. Dujarric said.

Nearly 250,000 children and thousands of pregnant and breast-feeding mothers have received nutritional supplements since the ceasefire took effect.

Over the past two weeks, in Rafah, Khan Younis and Deir al Balah, aid partners have distributed vegetable seed kits for gardening to try and encourage more diverse diets.

Around 1,500 water distribution points are now operating across Gaza – double the number operational at the start of the ceasefire. “However, partners tell us that pipes and spare parts for maintenance are urgently needed,” said Mr. Dujarric.

Classrooms open

Across Gaza, more than 100 public schools have reopened, allowing around 100,000 students back into the classroom.

In Gaza City and North Gaza, UN partners will use tents to ensure children can continue learning, with some wood pallets recycled into school furniture.

OCHA teams visited a displacement site in Khan Younis on Monday where around 1,200 people are staying. These communities have not been allowed to return to their homes, which are located in the buffer zone.

OCHA is working to mobilise assistance to meet their needs.

Meanwhile in the occupied West Bank, OCHA reports that ongoing operation by Israeli forces continues to drive humanitarian needs in northern areas. Humanitarian partners continue to face movement restrictions.

UN News

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Israel Threatens to Resume War…

Israel has threatened to resume its genocide war in Gaza, setting a deadline of 10 days for Hamas to release the remaining captives, a move that violates the ceasefire agreement.

Israel’s Channel 12, citing an Israeli official, said on Monday that the occupation government has set a deadline 10 days from now for Hamas to release the remaining captives in Gaza before a return to war.

“We are currently at a dead end regarding the deal negotiations,” the official told Channel 12.

At the parliament on Monday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu threatened, “I tell Hamas: If you do not release our hostages, there will be consequences that you cannot imagine.”

Defence Minister Israel Katz later said if Hamas did not free the captives, “the gates of Gaza will be locked, and the gates of hell will open”.

“We will return to fighting, and they will face the (army) with forces and methods they have never encountered—until a decisive victory,” he said in a statement.

Israel Violates Ceasefire

Israel has imposed a block on all aid entering Gaza following the end of the first phase of the ceasefire deal. Netanyahu’s office issued a statement on Sunday morning confirming the decision.

The move, which coincides with the holy month of Ramadan, came after Hamas refused to accept the extension of the first phase of the ceasefire deal.

Israel said that it had accepted a last-minute proposal put on the table by the US president’s special envoy for the Middle East, Steve Witkoff, for a temporary ceasefire over Ramadan and Passover.

According to Israel, the proposal also outlined the release of all captives still in Gaza in two stages, with the second stage contingent on negotiating a permanent ceasefire.

“With the end of phase one of the hostage deal, and in light of Hamas’ refusal to accept the [US envoy Steve] Witkoff outline for continuing the talks – to which Israel agreed, Prime Minister Netanyahu has decided that starting this morning all entry of goods and supplies into the Gaza Strip will cease,” the statement said.

“Israel will not allow a ceasefire without the release of our hostages. If Hamas continues its refusal, there will be further consequences.”

Hamas refused to extend it, noting it will only release captives in phases, per the ceasefire agreement, which Israel is now refusing to continue.

It said it would only accept moving to the second stage, which was supposed to guarantee the definitive end of the assault, an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, and the release of remaining captives.

Hamas also slammed Israel’s decision to block the entry of aid and adopt the US proposal. In a statement, the movement said this “is a blatant attempt to renege on the agreement and evade negotiations for its second phase.”

“Netanyahu’s decision to block the entry of all humanitarian aid into Gaza is a cheap blackmail and a war crime in an appalling violation of the ceasefire deal. Mediators and the international community must act to place pressure on the occupation and put an end to its punitive and immoral measures against more than two million people in the Gaza Strip.”

Hamas stated that Israel has continued to violate the ceasefire since it took effect, which has resulted in the killing of over 100 people in Gaza and the disruption of the humanitarian protocol. This includes blocking the entry of sheltering and relief aid, further aggravating the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. According to Gaza’s Government Media Office, Israel has committed around 962 violations of the ceasefire agreement according to the Quds News Network.

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Israeli Army Admits ‘Colossal Failure’ on 7 October

The Israeli army released its findings on Thursday after months of investigations into the Hamas attack on Oct. 7, 2023, admitting to a “colossal failure” in anticipating the “Al-Aqsa Flood Operation​​​​​​​” launched by the Palestinian resistance group.

The investigation report said the military was unprepared for the attack, having been caught off guard by the number of Palestinian fighters who breached military bases and settlements near Gaza, according to Israeli Army Radio.

The findings also revealed that the army was surprised by the speed and coordination of the attack, which exceeded all expectations.

Doron Kadosh, the military correspondent for Israeli Army Radio, reported that the army admitted it had not considered the possibility of a large-scale surprise attack like the one on Oct. 7.

Kadosh wrote on his X that a threat of such an attack was never taken seriously or even considered, which left the army unprepared to counter it.

The investigation findings confirmed that Hamas fighters completely overran the Israeli army’s Gaza Division for several hours, specifically between 6:30 a.m. and 12:30 p.m.

During this time, the Israeli military had no control over the area near Gaza. It took around 10 hours for the army to regain operational control over the region, which Hamas had effectively seized.

According to Army Radio, the findings exposed the army’s reliance on flawed strategic assumptions, including the belief that “Gaza posed a secondary threat that did not require significant military attention and that Hamas was deterred and focused on maintaining calm for economic benefits.”

The investigation further concluded that the army allowed “a severe security threat to develop along its borders by over-relying on the defensive barrier while significantly weakening border defense forces, including a shortage of troops in areas near Gaza.”

Additionally, the findings pointed to a sense of “arrogance” within the army and “overconfidence” in its intelligence superiority, with a firm belief that any potential Palestinian attack would be preceded by an intelligence warning.

“There was no one who saw or detected any sign of this event in advance, not even at the lowest intelligence level,” one of the central investigations found.

However, the lack of such a warning caused a major shock to military leadership and contributed to the chaos of the attack’s initial hours.

Several Israeli political, military, and security officials have previously admitted to personal responsibility for the failure to prevent the Oct. 7 attack.

As a result, some officials resigned, most notably Aharon Haliva, chief of the army’s Military Intelligence Directorate.

Meanwhile, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday criticized the Israeli army for not sending him the findings of the investigations.

According to the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth, Netanyahu’s office sent a letter to the Ministry of Defense demanding an explanation for why the army had not submitted its investigation findings on Oct. 7.

However, Netanyahu has so far refused to take any responsibility for the attack or to establish an official investigation committee into the events of that day.

The first phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement took effect on Jan. 19, pausing the Israeli war that has killed more than 48,300 people, mostly women and children, and left the enclave in ruins.

Last November, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.

Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice for its war on the enclave.

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Putting The Cart Before The Horse

With the approach of the Cairo Summit to discuss the Palestinian issue and the reconstruction of Gaza, Arab leaders find themselves facing three main scenarios to make decisive decisions that determine the future of Gaza and the fate of the Palestinians the day after the cessation of the war. The dilemma is no longer limited to reconstruction only but also includes the political and administrative arrangements that ensure the stability of the sector and prevent the recurrence of the devastating conflict.

From the American side, it seems that the Trump administration is adopting a more stringent approach, as it recently stated the necessity of displacing Palestinians from Gaza as a “solution” to ensure regional security, which reflects its traditional position biased towards Israel and complicates any Arab efforts to find an independent solution for the sector.

 This American position raises great concerns in Arab and international circles, given the disastrous consequences it carries for the Palestinians and the entire region, especially in light of the widespread international rejection of forced displacement policies.

The first scenario involves adopting a comprehensive regional solution led by Arabs, aiming to place Gaza under temporary Arab administration, which may include Egypt and perhaps some Gulf states, in coordination with the Palestinian Authority. In this scenario, a transitional body would be established to administer the Strip, which would undertake reconstruction operations, organize basic services, and reorganize the security situation in a way that prevents the recurrence of the conflict. 

This body could also work to pave the way for comprehensive Palestinian elections to be held later, so that Gaza would be part of a unified Palestinian entity. 

This temporary administration would work to restructure institutions within the Strip, ensure the regular provision of health and education services, and rehabilitate infrastructure damaged by the war. It would also undertake the tasks of securing the crossings and ensuring the flow of humanitarian aid, while imposing strict control to prevent the infiltration of any elements that might contribute to destabilization. 

It is expected that the contributing Arab states would have different roles, as Egypt could handle security aspects, while the Gulf states would contribute to financing and reconstruction. This option requires Arab and international consensus, as well as internal Palestinian acceptance, which may be difficult in light of the differences between the factions. 

Israel may not view this scenario favorably, as it strengthens the Arab role in Gaza and limits its influence there. In addition, the success of this scenario depends on the Arabs’ ability to impose a unified vision and work to reduce external interventions that may hinder this solution. Ultimately, this scenario remains a realistic option, but it is fraught with challenges that require active diplomacy and strong political will.

As for the second scenario, it is to support the restructuring of the Palestinian Authority and grant it full control over Gaza after reaching internal understandings with the various factions, including Hamas. In this framework, the security services are integrated into a unified framework under the supervision of the Authority, and the administrative institutions are unified, with an Arab and international commitment to provide financial and logistical support to ensure the success of this transition.

One of the main pillars of this scenario is rebuilding trust between the various Palestinian factions, which requires intensive efforts from regional and international mediators, especially Egypt and the United Nations. This proposal also requires providing guarantees that the faction leaders will not be targeted or excluded from the political scene, which necessitates establishing a joint governance mechanism for a transitional period.

This scenario depends primarily on the ability of the Palestinian Authority to impose its effective control over the Strip, which is doubtful, especially in light of the deep differences between the West Bank and Gaza, and the lack of trust between the Palestinian parties. 

In addition, Hamas’s acceptance of this proposal may be conditional on effective participation in governance, which may not be acceptable to Israel or some regional powers. Moreover, this solution faces obstacles related to the extent of the international community’s ability to commit to funding reconstruction, and to ensuring that Israel does not obstruct any efforts aimed at strengthening the Palestinian Authority’s control over the Strip.

The third scenario, which may be the most complex, is to impose an international solution under the auspices of the United Nations, whereby international peacekeeping forces are deployed to oversee the administration of Gaza for a transitional period, during which the Strip is rebuilt, and the political conditions are prepared to find a comprehensive Palestinian settlement. 

In this scenario, the infrastructure is rehabilitated, security guarantees are provided to prevent the outbreak of new confrontations, while the way is opened for an internal Palestinian dialogue under international auspices to reach an agreement on the future of governance in Gaza. 

This scenario also includes international supervision of the rehabilitation of civilian institutions in Gaza, ensuring the distribution of aid, and preventing the use of resources in any military activities that may lead to a renewal of the conflict. 

It could also contribute to reactivating the peace process between the Palestinians and the Israelis through an international mechanism that ensures the implementation of any understandings reached. 

However, this option faces several obstacles, most notably the rejection by some Palestinian forces of any direct international intervention in Palestinian affairs, and Israel may refuse to deploy international forces near its borders, preferring to keep Gaza under siege or in a state of instability that keeps it weak and unable to pose a security threat. 

Moreover, any international intervention will require consensus among the major powers, which may be difficult to achieve in light of global political tensions. Each of these scenarios carries its own challenges, and the optimal choice remains linked to the extent of the Arabs’ ability to unify their positions and make bold decisions that go beyond narrow political calculations. 

The main challenge lies in reaching a solution that spares Gaza further destruction, establishes a new phase of stability and development, and ensures that the Palestinian issue is not exploited in regional conflicts. The question remains: Will the Cairo Summit be able to overcome Arab differences and present a unified vision to save Gaza and its future?

Hasan Dajah is professor of Strategic Studies at Al-Hussein Bin Talal University

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