Trump: Arrest of Mahmoud Khalil is The First of Many’

Mahmoud Khalil, an Algerian citizen of Palestinian descent and a US green card holder, is facing deportation after being arrested by federal immigration officials on March 8.

A leader of student protests at Columbia University, Khalil’s arrest has been described by US President Donald Trump as the “first of many” as his administration ramps up its crackdown on campus opposition to the Gaza war. But a federal judge has temporarily halted the 30-year-old’s expulsion from the US.

As a legal permanent resident, Khalil was detained without a warrant by the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) officials as he and his wife were returning to their Columbia University-owned apartment in upper Manhattan.

The agents initially claimed his student visa had been revoked, but after Khalil’s wife provided proof of his green card status, they stated that his green card was also being revoked and took him into custody.

DHS justified Khalil’s arrest by citing his involvement in “activities aligned to Hamas, a designated terrorist organisation,” under the framework of Trump’s executive orders aimed at “prohibiting anti-Semitism.” 

“Khalil’s case has been the most publicly known case of an arrest by DHS officials of a pro-Palestine protester from a college campus or a university campus” said Meghnad Bose, a Delacorte Fellow at the Columbia Journalism Review, and one of the journalists who broke the news of the arrest.

A recent graduate from the School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), Khalil was a prominent figure during the 2024 Columbia University pro-Palestinian campus occupations.

He acted as a spokesperson and negotiator for demonstrators who condemned Israel’s military actions in Gaza and advocated for the institution to sever financial ties with Israel and companies supporting the genocide.

Recently, Khalil was among the pro-Palestinian activists investigated by a new disciplinary body at Columbia University established to address harassment and discrimination complaints. 

Days before his arrest, an online campaign targeting Khalil was launched by pro-Israeli groups and individuals, including Columbia Business School professor Shai Davidai, who called for his arrest and deportation.

These posts tagged U.S. officials such as President Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Attorney General Pam Bondi.

“That is definitely a suspicious turn of events. Was the DHS conducting its own investigation into Khalil prior to all of this? Or were they just acting on cue based on what these pro-Israel groups and individuals posted online?” Bose said.

Initially believed to be in a New Jersey facility, Khalil was confirmed to be at LaSalle Detention Centre in Louisiana on March 10. On the same day, Judge Jesse M. Furman ruled that Khalil cannot be removed from the US without court approval.

The actions against Khalil coincided with the Trump administration’s decision to cancel around $400 million in federal grants to Columbia University, citing the “failure to protect Jewish students from anti-Semitic harassment.” 

The university’s response to Khalil’s arrest has been criticised for its lack of transparency and action.

The day before the arrest, Khalil emailed Columbia interim president Katrina Armstrong: “Since yesterday, I have been subjected to a vicious, coordinated, and dehumanising doxxing campaign led by Columbia affiliates Shai Davidai and David Lederer who, among others, have labelled me a security threat and called for my deportation.”

He continued, “I have not been able to sleep, fearing that ICE or a dangerous individual might come to my home. I urgently need legal support, and I urge you to intervene and provide the necessary protections to prevent further harm.”

Reports surfaced of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents being spotted on campus throughout the week of the arrest. In response, Columbia University issued a memo over the weekend advising faculty and staff not to interfere in “exigent circumstances” when ICE agents seek access to university buildings or individuals without a warrant.

Khalil’s arrest has sparked a wave of protests on campus, with students, including Jewish ones, rallying in opposition to DHS’s actions, demanding that ICE be removed from university premises. 

“Especially vulnerable are the international students, because many of them feel that if they post on social media now, if they attend a protest, they might end up being deported,” Bose said, raising concerns about the right to protest within university communities.

Khalil’s arrest also seems to be part of a broader political strategy targeting universities. 

“This is happening specifically to someone who is Palestinian and who stood up for the rights of Palestinians in Gaza. So this is not just a cause agnostic free speech issue,” he added.

Donald Trump has frequently targeted Columbia University for its students’ advocacy for Palestinian rights in Gaza, including during his electoral campaign.

“The Gaza Solidarity encampment at Columbia inspired similar encampments not just across the United States, but across the world,” he said.

“It seems rather clear that they [the Trump administration] want to make Columbia [an] example for communities of students and faculty around the country, that even an Ivy League University in New York City will not be spared the wrath of the American government for having protested against the policies of the American government as it relates to Israel.”

This report is written by Francesca Maria Lorenzini for the Jordan Times

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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