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The world and Israeli press see the arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Galant as a major setback for Israel, a dramatic political and legal escalation with much repercussion and leading to its isolation as an occupying state with the imposition of restrictions on the travel of its officials to dozens of countries and weakening its international position.
In a historic precedent, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants, Thursday, against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and his dismissed Defense Minister Yoav Galant on charges of war crimes in the Gaza Strip.
The arrest warrants focused on the committal of the war crime of genocide, including starving an entire people and preventing them from accessing their right to the necessities of life.
Political storm
The ICC decision sparked an international political storm. While many EU countries confirmed their commitment to implementing the court’s order, attention turned to Israel and how it would deal with the decision, which many consider a slap in the face whose consequences unimaginable, even if the US administration rejects it on the grounds that the ICC does not have jurisdiction in this matter.
🚨🇮🇱 JUST NOW: The International Criminal Court has issued ARREST WARRANTS for NETANYAHU & GALLANT. pic.twitter.com/OCEARKmb0O
Netanyahu, who is in deep crisis and famous for his rhetorics, found no better way than to describe the decision but as a new “Dreyfus trial,” likening himself to the French Jewish officer who was tried in 1894 because he was Jewish. His description was a prelude to considering the ICC decision anti-Semitic, hostile to Jews and a dark day for the history of civilized peoples.
Months ago, Netanyahu described the request of the International Criminal Court’s prosecutor to issue arrest warrants as “ridiculous and false… and a distortion of reality,” while stressing “Israel’s right to defend itself” against barbarism and obscurantism, and those who seek to eliminate it.
A Haaretz article sees the issuing of ICC arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Galant as reflecting the lowest point of the Jewish state in its battle for legitimacy and international support.
According to the article, Israelis who felt supported by many world countries after Operation Aqsa Flood on 7 October, 2023, “wake up today, 13 months later, to find their country isolated, condemned and accused of committing war crimes.”
Dramatic escalation
The British Financial Times described the ICC decision as a dramatic escalation in legal proceedings against Israel over its war on Gaza, noting it is the first decision of its kind against Western-backed Israeli officials.
According to the newspaper, the decision will reinforce the feeling Israel is experiencing increasing international isolation due to its behavior in the war on Gaza.
Le Monde however, stated that it is the United States who would now face isolation after using its veto power against a resolution calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.
According to the French daily, negotiators expected the Biden administration to review its current position before the arrival of the strongly pro-Israel Donald Trump administration.
Potential implications
The New York Times highlighted three possible repercussions of the ICC arrest warrants, the first of which is world diplomatic isolation, especially among the ICC signatory countries and which may hinder diplomatic relations and military cooperation between Israel and many countries.
The New York-based newspaper believes the arrest warrants will put Israeli leaders back under the international legal microscope, making their travel outside Israel risky, in addition to weakening the Israeli position, adding the warrants increases international criticism of Israeli military operations, and weakens the support it receives from its allies, especially in Europe.
But the New York Times also quotes international law expert Philippe Sands as saying there are legal restrictions facing the International Criminal Court in implementing arrest warrants, “but the decision carries strong symbolism that reflects a change in the international position towards Israel,” noting the signatory countries are obligated to arrest “wanted persons if they enter their territory. This is a clear legal obligation.”
However, the newspaper’s adoption of precedents such as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to signatory countries without arresting him raises questions about the court’s ability to enforce its decisions in practice.
Embargo on arms supplies to Israel
An Israeli military analyst believes that the two international arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Galant open the door to imposing an arms embargo on the occupying state of Israel.
Amos Harel, an analyst in Haaretz, points out the ICC decision “could give a strong boost to the complaints and criminal investigations against IDF soldiers and commanders that are being conducted in many countries.”
Harel points out to the many implications of the decision, including the possibility of Netanyahu and Galant being arrested in more than 120 member states of the ICC if they reach them, adding the decision could create an opportunity for an arms embargo by additional Western countries, which have so far been content with “more moderate” measures against Israel.
“This will give a strong boost to the many complaints and criminal investigations against Israeli soldiers and leaders taking place in many countries. It also serves as a reminder that there is another axis for criminal investigation, which is the events taking place in the West Bank, with a focus on settlements,” he added.
The warrants will also put pressure on lower-ranking Israeli officials as they can be brought into war crimes cases in national courts of individual countries they travel to.
“It sort of gives a stamp of quality to Israel’s isolation. This is not a protest at Columbia University. This is not a bunch of hooligans fighting each other on the streets of Amsterdam. This is the ICC,” said Alon Pinkas, a former senior Israeli diplomat pointed out.
This article was translated, edited by Dr Marwan Asmar from the Palestine Information Center and reprinted on crossfirearabia.com.
Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.
GAZA — Almost three years after Israeli airstrikes brought apartment blocks and family homes crashing down across the Gaza Strip, another kind of rescue operation is taking place among the ruins.
This time, the Civil Defense teams are not searching for survivors.They are searching for the dead.
Day after day, crews move from one shattered house to another, lifting concrete, cutting through twisted reinforcing bars and carefully searching through layers of debris for bodies and human remains that have lain there since the earliest months of the war.
For thousands of Palestinian families, the war has therefore never quite reached an ending. There has been no funeral, no grave to visit and, in some cases, no certainty about what happened to a husband, a wife, a parent or a child.
The Palestinian Information Center reported on August 20 that about 8,000 Palestinian bodies were still believed to be beneath the rubble across Gaza. Earlier, in late June, Gaza Civil Defense spokesman Mahmoud Basal put the figure at approximately 8,500 bodies and remains, illustrating the difficulty of establishing a definitive number amid the scale of destruction and the thousands still officially regarded as missing.
And the bodies are still coming out.
On August 24, Civil Defense recovery official Mohammed Abu Dan said teams had recovered the remains of nine members of the Salmi family from their destroyed home in Gaza City’s Zeitoun neighborhood. The house had been struck on November 20, 2023. Seventeen members of the family were believed to have been inside.
A day earlier, Abu Dan reported another operation in Zeitoun in which crews recovered four sets of remains from the Abu Shamala family home after two days of searching, before moving to another destroyed house where five more bodies were found.
These are not isolated searches. They have become a grim routine.
One Excavator Against a City of Rubble
The scale of the task bears little relationship to the equipment available to carry it out.
Civil Defense said in July that one phase of the recovery project was operating with essentially one excavator, one loader and one truck, with support from the International Committee of the Red Cross. The teams were trying to work their way through neighbourhoods containing thousands of missing people.
PIC reported in June that a single excavator could be seen working in Gaza City while crews searched for thousands of bodies. Basal warned that, at such a pace, completing the operation could take years.
Civil Defense says the shortage is not simply a question of damage to its own fleet. Palestinian officials repeatedly say Israel has prevented the entry of the heavy machinery, specialist equipment and replacement vehicles required to remove massive slabs of reinforced concrete safely and quickly. PIC reported again on August 20 that restrictions on bringing heavy equipment into Gaza remained one of the principal obstacles to reaching those buried beneath destroyed homes.
So men trained for rescue frequently find themselves doing work that should require cranes, excavators and specialist recovery machinery with hand tools and limited mechanical assistance.
The result is painfully slow progress.
In February, the Sanad News Agency followed Civil Defense crews into Sheikh Radwan after the search resumed at the ruins of a home bombed in December 2023.
More than 120 displaced people had reportedly been sheltering there.
For survivor Ramzi Salem, the arrival of Civil Defense came after more than two years of appeals for machinery.
There was still only limited equipment.
Much of the digging had to be done manually.
Eventually, 56 bodies were recovered from the site
Salem described each recovery as reopening the original trauma.
“Every body that comes out, it is as if the bombing happens again,” he told Sanad.
But there was another emotion alongside the pain: Relief that the dead could finally be buried.
For families such as Salem’s, recovery does not reverse the loss. It gives the loss a place.
Waiting Beside the House
Perhaps that is why families continue returning to the rubble.
Twelve-year-old Muhammad Riyadh Ghaboun stood beside what remained of his family’s house in the Sabra neighbourhood of Gaza City while Civil Defense teams worked nearby.
PIC described the boy as waiting not for his home to be rebuilt, but for the remains of family members buried beneath it for months.
What he wanted was much simpler: for them finally to have graves.
Across Gaza, similar families have lived through a peculiar form of bereavement in which death is understood but burial remains suspended.
Some know exactly where their relatives died. They can point towards a particular room beneath a collapsed ceiling or identify approximately where someone had been sleeping when the building was hit.
Others do not know whether the missing person lies beneath rubble, was killed elsewhere or was detained.
In February, Civil Defense spokesman Mahmoud Basal said that besides the thousands of bodies thought to be trapped beneath destroyed buildings, more than 3,000 people remained missing without confirmed information about their fate.
That uncertainty changes mourning itself.
A grave normally confirms death. In Gaza, thousands of families have been denied even that confirmation.
Digging For His Own Family
Few accounts reveal the psychological cost as starkly as that of Mahmoud Khalla.
His family home was struck on December 21, 2023.
According to his testimony to the Palestinian Safa news agency, around 39 relatives were killed: His mother and father, his wife and children, siblings, their spouses and children, as well as members of his extended family.
When the heavy equipment he had hoped would arrive still had not materialised, he and neighbours began digging themselves with shovels, hammers and other basic tools.
They had to break through four collapsed ceilings.
With every blow, Khalla said, he felt himself getting physically closer to his children and siblings while knowing that what he might eventually find would no longer resemble the people he remembered.
The recovered remains included his uncle. Bones believed to belong to children could not immediately be identified and were recorded as unidentified remains.
His experience exposes another agonising stage of the process.
Finding human remains does not necessarily mean knowing whose remains they are.
When A Body No Longer Has A Face
After months or years beneath rubble, heat, dust and moisture, Civil Defense teams frequently recover skeletonised remains, fragmented bones or incomplete bodies.
Identification can therefore become extraordinarily difficult.
Mahmoud Ashour, spokesman for Gaza’s forensic evidence department, said in January that many recovered bodies had deteriorated into skeletal remains or decomposed fragments.
The most important tool needed to resolve uncertain identities—DNA testing—is severely restricted by the absence of the necessary laboratory equipment, according to Ashour.
This means identification may begin with whatever information survives.
Relatives can sometimes recognise clothing.
They may identify jewellery, a personal item or a distinctive physical feature.
Safa reported in April that some families had managed to identify recovered relatives through physical characteristics or clothing after decomposition made ordinary visual recognition impossible.
Where identification is possible, the remains are transferred through the appropriate medical and forensic procedures before burial.
In one November recovery operation at the destroyed Abu Hamada family home in Maghazi refugee camp, Civil Defense reported recovering the remains of 14 people, including women and children. Relatives identified them and the remains were transferred to the forensic medicine department at Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital before burial.
Where families cannot identify the remains, the process becomes more complicated.
Forensic personnel document what they can. Earlier Gaza procedures have included photographing distinguishing characteristics, assigning identification numbers and preserving available information so relatives may eventually be able to make a match.
But DNA testing would offer a far more reliable answer.
Ashour has called for equipment as well as a database containing genetic information from families of missing people so recovered remains can be matched scientifically.
Without it, some families may finally receive bones from beneath a house and still not know whether those bones belong to the person they have spent years waiting for.
The Men Who Must Keep Looking
There is another side to these operations that receives less attention: The Civil Defense officers themselves.
Their work once centred on pulling people alive from collapsed buildings.
Now they are regularly required to dismantle the physical remains of destroyed homes while recovering decomposed bodies, skeletons and fragments belonging to children, women and entire families.
The recovery crews know that relatives are often standing only metres away.
A piece of fabric or a bone fragment can suddenly become the answer to a question a family has been asking for two or three years.
Civil Defense official Abdullah Al-Majdalawi described the difficulty after remains recovered from Sheikh Radwan cemetery had become mixed following destruction and bulldozing. Many of those recovered were reduced to skeletal remains and fragments.
He summed up the human problem behind forensic identification with a stark question:
“How do names turn into numbers?”
That is, in many ways, the dilemma confronting Gaza’s recovery teams.
They work among numbers—eight bodies here, nine there, 47 from one house, 50 collected at Al-Shifa Medical Complex.
But every number belongs to somebody.
In July, Civil Defense recovered 47 bodies and sets of remains from the Al-Hassaina family home in Sabra. Another 36 people were still believed to be somewhere beneath the ruined structure, and officials said the force of the explosion might even have displaced remains into neighbouring properties.
That makes the work forensic as much as mechanical.
Crews cannot simply drive an excavator through a pile of concrete.
Each layer may conceal remains. Each fragment has potential meaning. Each discovery must be handled carefully enough that identification is still possible afterwards.
Speed matters.
But so does dignity.
Fifty Funerals, Nearly Three Years Late
On August 20, Palestinians gathered in Gaza City to bury the remains of 50 people recovered from beneath demolished homes in neighbourhoods including Tal Al-Hawa, Zeitoun, Sabra, Sheikh Radwan and Al-Shati.
Some belonged to the Sawafiri, Batniji and Gharbiya families.
Many had been beneath the debris since 2023.
PIC reported that much of what was recovered was no longer complete bodies but bone fragments, remains and personal belongings. Civil Defense officials said many were women and children.
For those families, the funerals came almost three years late.
For thousands more, there is still no funeral.
There is only the house.
The rubble.
And the waiting.
Parents wait for children. Children wait for fathers and mothers. Husbands and wives live with a loss that is simultaneously certain and unfinished.
Some return repeatedly to the place where they believe a relative lies.
Some ask Civil Defense when their street will finally appear on the recovery schedule.
Some search themselves.
And Civil Defense teams continue moving through Gaza’s destroyed neighbourhoods, one house at a time.
Their progress is measurable in bodies brought home—but against an estimated 8,000 still beneath the wreckage, each recovery also shows how immense the task remains.
The operation is therefore no longer simply a search through rubble.
It is a race to restore identities before time erases more of them.
For the families standing beside Gaza’s ruins, finding the dead does not bring the people they love back.
But after years of looking towards a collapsed house and knowing someone is still beneath it, recovery offers something that war has denied them for far too long:
In Gaza, even the cemeteries are no longer reserved for the dead.
CROSSFIREARABIA – In Gaza, even the cemeteries are no longer reserved for the dead.
Between headstones and freshly turned earth, Palestinian families have stretched sheets, driven wooden poles into the ground and erected makeshift tents. Children carry water through rows of graves. Mothers cook whatever food they can find beside burial plots. Washing hangs between tombstones. At night, families retreat behind thin pieces of cloth, surrounded by graves because, after repeated displacement, they say there is simply nowhere else to go.
The extraordinary sight is now part of Gaza’s displacement crisis: Living families making temporary homes in places built for the dead.
In Khan Younis, Deir al-Balah and elsewhere in the Gaza Strip, cemeteries and their surroundings have become last-resort shelters for Palestinians whose homes were destroyed or who were ordered to leave areas where they had already sought refuge.
The Palestine Information Center documented the Abu Samak family sleeping on the ground between graves in Al-Sawarha cemetery in Al-Zawayda, central Gaza, after they were forced from their home east of Deir al-Balah. The family said areas to which displaced people had been directed were already packed, leaving them with few choices. Father Adham Abu Samak summed up the family’s predicament with a question heard repeatedly across Gaza: Where are we supposed to go?
Another displaced woman, Ibtisam Abu Amra, told the Palestine Information Center that her family fled from Abu Arif east of Deir al-Balah and eventually ended up in a cemetery in the centre of the city. She described displacement as taking the children, elderly relatives and whatever possessions could be carried and heading towards an unknown destination. When every alternative was exhausted, she said, the cemetery was what remained.
Ten Children Living Among the Graves
One of the clearest recent examples comes from the Al-Namsawi area of Khan Younis.
In July 2026, Al Jazeera documented the family of Mazen Younis, who, with his wife and children, had been living inside a cemetery in the Mawasi area of Khan Younis for around a year and a half.
The family had originally lived in the Al-Manara neighbourhood before successive displacement forced them elsewhere. Eventually they reached the cemetery.
Their “home” consisted largely of fabric screens erected between graves.
There was no normal kitchen, reliable water supply or the basic infrastructure associated with a house. Younis, who suffers from heart disease, relied on his young daughters to bring water to the family, even when the available water was not suitable for drinking.
Instead of attending school, the girls spent part of their day fetching water and walking to a takiyya, or community food kitchen, to collect meals.
Even that food, the family said, was insufficient.
Younis’s wife said there was no cooking gas or many of the other necessities normally found in a household. The children travelled daily for food and water while the family endured the heat, insects and the psychological strain of living surrounded by graves. The report also described rodents and scorpions as part of the family’s surroundings.
It is an existence reduced to its most basic components: Something overhead for shade, something beneath the body for sleeping, a container in which to carry water, and, when available, a pot in which to heat or cook food.
A Tent Becomes the Entire House
Reporting by the Gaza-based Safa News Agency provides another window into what happens when a family’s entire domestic life is compressed into a tent.
Displaced Palestinian Mardai Shahada described the tent as simultaneously the family’s house, bedroom and kitchen — their whole existence confined to cloth and plastic incapable of properly protecting them from the summer heat or winter cold. , Safa, the Palestine Press Agency has documented families patching worn tents with nylon and thread simply to keep some protection between themselves and the weather.
Other Safa reporting describes displaced people sitting beside plastic tents, storing water in buckets and improvising shelters from whatever materials they can obtain. During extreme heat, tents can become almost impossible to remain inside during daytime, while insects and even snakes have been reported around sleeping areas.
Winter presents the opposite problem.
Gaza’s Civil Defence told Safa that 1,542 tents were flooded by rain in just two days around the beginning of January 2025, with water rising above 30 centimetres in some locations. Bedding and personal belongings were soaked and some displaced people suffered severe shivering from the cold.
For families living in cemeteries, these same problems are compounded by the environment around them. There are few proper drainage systems, bathrooms or established water points designed for hundreds of people to live there.
Cooking Beside Graves
Life continues because it has to.
Families collect drinking and washing water in plastic jerrycans and buckets. Food comes from humanitarian assistance when available, community kitchens, relatives or whatever can be purchased at increasingly difficult prices.
Cooking is often improvised.
With kitchens destroyed and fuel scarce, displaced families across Gaza have relied on small fires and makeshift cooking arrangements beside their tents. Safa described families in displacement camps gathering around fires at night during cold weather.
Inside the cemeteries, domestic objects consequently appear in surroundings where they would once have seemed unimaginable: Cooking pots, plastic bowls, mattresses, blankets, clotheslines, water containers and children’s belongings sitting beside gravestones.
A cemetery ceases to function exclusively as a burial ground. It becomes a neighbourhood — but one without the services of a neighbourhood.
Toilets Are Another Problem
Sanitation is among the least visible but most serious difficulties.
There are generally no household bathrooms for families who pitch tents inside or beside burial grounds. Displaced people depend on whatever communal facilities exist nearby, improvised latrines or rudimentary pits.
The shortage of proper sanitation can create another danger.
In July 2026, Al Jazeera reported that a displaced Gaza resident trying to enlarge an absorption pit for wastewater beside his tent in Gaza City’s Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood unexpectedly uncovered the body of a child who had previously been buried there when the area was being used as an improvised wartime burial site.
The incident illustrates the extraordinary overlap that has developed between displacement and burial in Gaza: People are sometimes living on land where emergency graves were dug during earlier stages of the war.
Cemeteries Within Cemeteries
The crisis is made more complicated because Gaza’s burial system itself has been transformed.
Sanad News Agency, citing the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, reported in September 2024 that around 29 major improvised mass burial locations containing more than 3,000 bodies had been identified, while more than 120 smaller improvised mass graves containing three or more people had been created across Gaza since October 2023.
Sanad has subsequently reported efforts to remove bodies from some of these temporary wartime burial grounds and rebury them in established cemeteries. In December 2025, for example, Gaza Civil Defence said 94 bodies were removed from an improvised cemetery in Sahaba Street in Gaza City as part of a wider effort that had involved moving the remains of thousands of people previously buried in emergency locations.
The result is a landscape in which the distinction between residential space, displacement camp and burial ground has repeatedly been erased.
Hundreds of Families Around One Khan Younis Cemetery
There is no reliable, comprehensive figure for how many Palestinians are currently living inside cemeteries across the entire Gaza Strip. Numbers vary according to location and repeated displacement, and families may enter or leave a site after evacuation orders, attacks or changes in military control.
It would therefore be misleading to put forward one precise Gaza-wide number.
What can be documented, however, is that the phenomenon extends well beyond a handful of isolated families.
The Palestine Information Center reported that an area around the Turkish cemetery west of Khan Younis contained hundreds of displaced Palestinian families. During an Israeli military incursion in July 2025, many fled again, leaving behind fragile tents and small quantities of food and possessions. The same report described torn tents, scattered belongings and burned food after the troops withdrew according to the Palestine Information Center.
Al Jazeera reported in July 2026 that hundreds of displaced families had erected tents in and around cemetery areas in Khan Younis, while its correspondent referred more broadly to thousands of families being driven towards cemetery areas during successive waves of displacement.
The distinction is important: Hundreds of families have been specifically documented at individual cemetery locations, but there is no authoritative census establishing the total number of people sleeping in cemeteries throughout Gaza.
Even the Cemeteries Are Not Safe
Seeking shelter among graves does not guarantee protection.
In July 2025, the Palestine Information Center reported an Israeli ground incursion around the Turkish cemetery, slaughterhouse area and outskirts of Mawasi in Khan Younis. Tanks, artillery and bulldozers entered an area where hundreds of displaced families had been sheltering, forcing people to flee once again. Residents later returned to find tents destroyed and possessions scattered.
The same report cited Gaza’s Ministry of Religious Endowments as saying around 40 cemeteries had at that stage been completely or partly damaged during the war. More recent reporting by the Palestine Information Center, citing Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, said in March 2026 that its analysis of 62 official cemeteries found 39 completely destroyed and another 19 partially damaged, leaving only four without documented damage — figures attributed to the rights organisation.
That makes the choice of a cemetery as shelter particularly bleak.
Families do not move there because they believe a graveyard is comfortable or safe. They move there because a cemetery may contain one of the few remaining pieces of ground on which nobody is demanding rent and where a tent can still be squeezed between other displaced families.
Living Beside Death
For adults, living among graves carries its own psychological burden.
For children it can be worse.
They play where bodies are buried. They walk between graves to fetch drinking water. After sunset, darkness, stray dogs, insects and the presence of the dead can turn the surroundings frightening.
Yet by morning the ordinary routines begin again.
Someone searches for water.
Someone goes to the community kitchen.
A mother washes clothes or dishes with the small amount of water available.
A fire is lit.
Children emerge from tents.
Blankets and mattresses are rearranged.
And families who once lived in houses try to reproduce the smallest elements of home in a place never intended for the living.
Gaza’s cemetery dwellers are therefore not simply another image of displacement. They represent something more disturbing: The exhaustion of alternatives.
When homes disappear, schools become shelters, shelters are overcrowded or attacked, rent is unaffordable and every supposedly safer area fills with tents, eventually even land belonging to the dead becomes valuable living space.
For some Palestinians in Gaza, the question is no longer whether anyone should have to live in a cemetery.
It is much simpler.
Where else can they go?
The above feature article is written with the help of AI based on specific information fed about Gazans being forced to seek shelter in cemetries. It’s posted on crossfirearabia.com with full links and references.