How Israel Destroyed Rafah?

Israeli forces continue to attack Gaza residents in violation of the terms of the ceasefire agreement, the first phase of which took effect on 19 January. Airstrikes and gunfire targeting civilians and their property continue in various areas of Gaza, resulting in hundreds of deaths and injuries. Meanwhile, the entry and distribution of humanitarian aid – particularly medical equipment, hospital supplies, tents, mobile homes, and essential machinery for rubble removal and body recovery – remains severely hampered. As a result, civilians face deteriorating humanitarian conditions due to the widespread destruction of infrastructure and essential services. In Rafah, displaced residents continue to be prevented from returning to their homes, while Israeli forces are systematically demolishing both private and public buildings in the city.

Israeli forces redeployed along Gaza’s borders in the first phase of the ceasefire agreement continue to maintain absolute control and a heavy military presence in most areas of Rafah in southern Gaza for the 10th consecutive month. Field reports indicate that since the invasion of Rafah in early May 2024 and the seizure of the Palestinian side of the Rafah crossing, the Salah al-Din axis (Philadelphi Corridor), and other parts of the city, Israeli forces have systematically destroyed infrastructure. Explosions and the sound of military machinery remain constant on the outskirts of the city, while residents are still barred from returning to most areas. The majority of Rafah’s displaced population remains in makeshift tents in central Gaza and in Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis.

According to information gathered by Al Mezan, Israeli forces have not kept within the designated areas outlined in the ceasefire agreement and continue to maintain positions deep inside Rafah – more than one kilometer inside the city center, extending to the eastern garage area, the Palestinian-Egyptian border to the south, and the eastern perimeter fence. These areas remain highly dangerous, where any movement is met with artillery fire, sniper attacks, and aerial bombardment.

According to the Rafah Municipality, 200,000 of the city’s 300,000 residents are still unable to return. No organizations have been able to access many of the areas that are still under Israeli control, including Abu Al-Saeed in Tal Al-Sultan – stretching from the coast to the Rafah Crossing – as well as neighbourhoods deep within the city, such as Al-Awda and Al-Najma squares. Of Rafah’s total area of 60,000 dunams, 60% has been declared a restricted and highly dangerous zone.

More than 90% of Rafah’s neighbourhoods have been completely or partially destroyed, with severe damage to residential buildings, roads, and essential public infrastructure – including health, government, and commercial facilities. The damage is particularly concentrated in the southern and western parts of the city, where six out of fifteen neighbourhoods and five refugee camps have been completely levelled. In addition, nine medical centers were destroyed, including the Abu Yousef Al-Najjar Hospital – the only government hospital in Rafah – the Kuwaiti Hospital, and the Indonesian Field Hospital. Approximately 70% of sewage and water pumps have been destroyed, while electricity and communications networks have nearly totally collapsed. The amount of rubble in Rafah is estimated at 20 million tons, with many bodies still believed to be trapped beneath it.

According to the Gaza Ministry of Health, Israeli forces have killed 111 civilians and injured 916 others since the ceasefire came into effect. The Rafah Municipality reports that approximately 40% of these casualties occurred in Rafah, as residents attempted to check on their homes and agricultural lands. The most recent victim, Hanaa Tawfiq Suleiman Hassanein (Al-Ghouti), was killed on 21 February 2025 when an Israeli tank fired at her home in the Al-Jeneina neighborhood, in the eastern part of Rafah, shortly after she returned home.

Mr. Mohammed Hassan Abu Sultan, 35 years old, married and a father of two, shared his experience of attempting to return to his home in Rafah:

“In early May 2024, my family and I were forced to flee to Deir al-Balah, and later to Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, where we struggled to live in a tent with meager resources. When the ceasefire was announced on 19 January 2025, I was overjoyed, believing that I could finally return home and leave the hardships of displacement behind. But the next day, I discovered that the Israeli forces had not completely withdrawn from Rafah. A few days later, I tried to check on my house in the Al-Jeneina neighbourhood. When I arrived in Rafah, I was shocked by the extent of the destruction. Before I even reached my neighbourhood, I and others who were going to inspect our homes came under fire. I barely escaped. I later learned that the gunfire came from an Israeli crane positioned south of Al-Jeneina, with tanks stationed on nearby sand dunes. Every day I hear of more civilians being killed or injured as they try to check on their homes. I am still living in a tent in Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, enduring the bitter cold and poor conditions, waiting for the full withdrawal of Israeli forces so that I can return to my home – even if it has been destroyed.”

Similarly, Mohammed Mahdi Mousa Al-Dawoudi, 38 years old, married and a father of four, recounted his attempt to return to his home in Rafah after the ceasefire took effect:

“On 28 May 2024, my family and I, like many others, were forced to flee our home in the Tal Al-Sultan neighbourhood of Rafah due to intense bombardment and the advance of Israeli forces. We took refuge in a small tent in Al-Mawasi, Khan Younis, where we endured displacement and harsh living conditions. The ceasefire was announced on 19 January 2025, after we had waited for several months to return home. I finally went back to check on my home, but when I arrived in Tal Al-Sultan, I was horrified to see entire neighbourhoods reduced to rubble. As we inspected the aftermath of the bombardment in the area, Israeli forces positioned along the Philadelphi Corridor (the Egyptian-Palestinian border) opened fire on us. I barely made it back to Al-Mawasi. I later learned that most Rafah residents are unable to return due to Israeli gunfire and military presence in the eastern and southern parts of the city. Many civilians have been killed trying to reach their homes. I remain displaced in a tent, struggling to survive the freezing temperatures, waiting for the Israeli forces to completely withdraw so that I can return to what remains of my home.

As of the time of this press release, Israeli forces continue to maintain control over most areas of Rafah, attacking residents with gunfire and other weaponry, particularly those attempting to return to their homes. The ongoing Israeli operations include the widespread demolition of homes and infrastructure, especially in the Al-Awda and Tal Al-Sultan neighbourhoods, in what appears to be a deliberate effort to alter the city’s landscape and render it uninhabitable.

Al Mezan unequivocally condemns Israel’s ongoing crimes, perpetrated in furtherance of the continuing genocide in Gaza, particularly in Rafah. We call on the international community to take urgent and concrete measures to end the genocide, stop the systematic destruction of Rafah, and ensure the safe return of displaced residents. Immediate steps must be taken to hold those responsible accountable, including full support for the International Criminal Court and other accountability mechanisms, the imposition of a two-way arms embargo on Israel, and targeted sanctions against individuals and entities complicit in these crimes. The international community must also review and suspend bilateral agreements and diplomatic ties that enable Israel’s violations, work toward dismantling the unlawful occupation, and uphold the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination.

Reliefweb

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CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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‘In Gaza We Die a 1000 Deaths a Day’

For over a year and five months, the people of Gaza have endured an unrelenting war of extermination—one that has robbed them not only of life’s comforts but of its very essence. Eighteen months of ceaseless suffering, where mere survival has become an act of defiance. The Israeli genocide in Gaza has drained every ounce of their strength—physically, mentally, and emotionally. And for those not granted the mercy of a single, swift death, every moment is a slow, agonizing descent into an unspeakable catastrophe. A never-ending cycle of death inflicted upon them by Israel—where one does not simply perish once, but dies a thousand deaths every day.

Under the relentless barrage of missiles raining down upon us, every passing moment is a gamble with fate. If we escape death today, there is no certainty that it will not claim us tomorrow—for in Israel’s eyes, we are all targets. As if the ceaseless bombardment were not enough, we are also stripped of life’s most basic essentials: food, water, electricity. Existence itself has been reduced to an endless procession of lines—one for a sip of clean water, another for a brief charge of a phone, yet another for a meager ration of humanitarian aid.

But among all these hardships, one of the most crushing has been the loss of cooking gas. With the suffocating blockade and the total closure of border crossings, the last fragile thread connecting us to a semblance of normalcy has been severed. Preparing a meal has become an ordeal, an insurmountable task that drapes every household in Gaza with the weight of exhaustion and despair.

The Cooking Gas Crisis: How It Began

Even before the total closure of Gaza’s crossings during Israel’s war of extermination, access to cooking gas was already scarce, failing to meet the population’s basic needs. Nowhere was this crisis felt more acutely than in the north, where gas barely trickled in—even during the rare moments when Israel allowed limited supplies into the south.

When a brief ceasefire was brokered—only to be swiftly shattered by Israel—residents of northern Gaza were once again left without their share. And the moment the ceasefire ended, the crossings were slammed shut once more, plunging people back into uncertainty, forcing them to navigate survival in the face of the unknown.

Malak Radwan, a resident of northern Gaza, recalls: “The first time we managed to get any cooking gas was after the ceasefire in February, 2025. But it didn’t come from our area—we had to depend on our relatives in the south to share what little they had.”

In southern Gaza, gas distribution operated through a system known as “Gas Lists,” where families were registered in a turn-based queue to receive their cylinders. Even then, the allocated amounts were woefully insufficient to meet the needs of the population. Yet, despite its scarcity and inflated cost, gas was still seen as a rare privilege—one that people clung to with gratitude.

But as the siege tightened and Israel’s total closure of the crossings dragged on, these lists became little more than illusions of hope—long, stagnant lines that might never move. According to the Government Media Office in Gaza, the Israeli occupation has prevented the entry of 18,600 aid trucks and 1,550 fuel trucks, including those carrying cooking gas, further exacerbating the suffering of the Palestinian people. Left stranded in uncertainty, families were forced to seek out alternative ways to cook, even as every other resource around them faded into oblivion.

Alternative Cooking Methods Amidst Catastrophe

They say necessity is the mother of invention, but what happens when all means of invention have vanished? Can the resort to primitive methods still be considered innovation in the face of such overwhelming disaster?

In Gaza, residents have been driven to rely on primitive cooking methods—each effort a dangerous gamble that weighs heavily on their bodies, their souls, and their fragile mental state.

Once, gathering around a coal fire to brew tea on a cold winter’s night was a beloved family ritual, a moment unmatched in its warmth. But now, that same fire has been forced upon us as a way of life—one that ignites not only our stoves but also the anguish in our hearts.

Yet, even firewood has become a distant luxury. Its price has soared, driven by the scarcity of trees, forcing some to scavenge shattered wood from the ruins of bombed homes or burn whatever fragments of furniture they have left. Never did we envision a day when we would be compelled to set our own belongings aflame just to prepare a meal.


“My fingers seem to melt with the fire every time I light it,” my mother sighs.

With firewood becoming prohibitively expensive, many have resorted to standing in yet another queue—this time in front of makeshift clay ovens, hoping to cook whatever food they have left. Umm Mohammad, a displaced woman from northern Gaza, has started her own small business: operating a clay oven where she bakes bread and prepares meals in exchange for a few Shekels.
“I began this work to support myself after losing everything during my displacement to the south. At the same time, I wanted to help those who have no means of cooking in their homes or tents,” she says.

For many families, even a few shekels are out of reach. The only remaining option is to rely on community kitchens—yet another queue to stand in, another obstacle in the endless struggle for survival. These kitchens provide just one meal a day, forcing many to subsist on cold canned food for the rest of their meals. Even the single meal was denied to them by the Israeli occupation. According to a report issued by the Government Media Office in Gaza, the Israeli occupation has directly targeted 60 charity kitchens and aid centers in a ruthless campaign aimed at starving the Palestinian people in Gaza. This has resulted in 80% of Gazan citizens losing their source of food.

The impact has been especially harsh on children and the elderly, who desperately need warm, nutritious food to sustain them.

And this is yet another burden we set aside amid the bleakness of our lives. Here in Gaza, the closure of border crossings is not the only barrier worsening the disaster of cooking gas shortages. As Gazans, we do not have the luxury of choosing our daily meals, nor do we have the privilege of enjoying a well-balanced diet. Every day, we are forced to go to the market, only to face the recurring frustration of missing food supplies. We are compelled to prepare meals we do not desire because no alternatives exist, and to eat unbalanced meals because we cannot afford anything better. Here, every moment we endure is a catastrophe in itself.

The Health and Social Consequences of the Gas Shortage

The crisis extends far beyond the inability to cook—it has dire implications for both health and society. Malnutrition has become rampant due to the lack of proper food preparation, leading to widespread cases of general weakness and anemia, especially among children.

Respiratory illnesses have also surged, as people are forced to burn wood and coal inside their homes, inhaling thick smoke with every breath. This has exacerbated the suffering of the sick and elderly.

Amani Al-Ghefari, a resident of northern Gaza, recounts her ordeal: “As someone with nearsightedness who wears corrective glasses, the smoke from burning wood has not only worsened my vision but has also caused a constant burning in my eyes, accompanied by migraines and relentless coughing. The most harrowing consequence, however, has been the physical strain—splitting firewood has taken a severe toll on my joints, leading to months of painful physical therapy.”

But the catastrophe is not limited to physical health—it has deeply scarred the psyche of every Gazan. Food is no longer just a means of sustenance; it has become a haunting memory of life before the genocide. The warmth of family gatherings around a meal has been replaced by a daily struggle for mere survival.
One mother confesses in anguish:
“I can no longer cook a warm meal for my children. I feel helpless, unable to provide for their most basic needs.”

Gaza’s Plea for Its Most Basic Rights

Amidst this suffering, numerous humanitarian organizations have made urgent appeals for aid to enter Gaza. The World Food Programme has expressed concern over the closure of 25 bakeries it supports in Gaza, due to a lack of fuel and flour. Yet, Israel continues its punitive policies, blocking fuel and essential supplies. Human rights advocates persist in calling for the immediate reopening of crossings and the unrestricted flow of aid to all areas of the Strip.

What is happening in Gaza is not merely a humanitarian crisis—it is an orchestrated catastrophe. Life as we knew it has been obliterated, and the suffering has surpassed all conceivable limits. Now more than ever, there is an urgent need for decisive international intervention to save the people of Gaza and to lift the inhumane siege that deprives them of even the most basic right—to cook their own food.

Silence is no longer an option. Every passing moment means more hunger, more pain, more devastation. Supporting Gaza is not just a humanitarian duty—it is a moral imperative that the world can no longer afford to ignore.

Quds News Network

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15 Martyred: Why Does Israel Kill Ambulance Men?

The international community must hold Israeli officials and responsible individuals accountable for the deliberate killing of 15 paramedics and first responders from the Palestinian Red Crescent and Civil Defense. The victims—killed by the Israeli military in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip—also include an employee of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA). This killing is part of Israel’s widespread and systematic attacks on humanitarian, medical, and UN workers, all of whom are protected by international law.

According to field evidence, Israeli forces killed eight Palestinian Red Crescent paramedics, five Civil Defence personnel, and one UNRWA employee; all were on duty at the time of their targeting. The crime has been referred to as “the largest mass execution of humanitarian workers in the history of modern warfare”. Following the total destruction of the workers’ vehicles, the majority of their bodies were subsequently interred in a deep pit that was then filled with sand. This horrifying scene serves as further evidence of Israel’s ongoing genocide in the Gaza Strip, and is a major crime that is a serious breach of international humanitarian law.

The crime is just one of a string of intentional assaults that have been directed at humanitarian and medical workers since 7 October 2023. Since then, Israel has killed over 1,400 medical personnel, 27 Red Crescent paramedics, and 111 Civil Defense personnel as part of a systematic campaign to destroy the Gaza Strip’s health and relief infrastructure to kill Palestinians, while simultaneously aiming to destroy their means of subsistence as well.

A Palestinian Red Crescent ambulance left Rafah’s Hashash neighbourhood early on Sunday (23 March 2025) to evacuate injured individuals who had been hit by Israeli attacks. However, the medical staff inside the ambulance suffered injuries themselves as a result of the Israeli occupation forces’ intense fire. Three more ambulances were sent to evacuate the injured, including the crew members hurt in the initial attack, as the situation worsened. The area was then abruptly surrounded by a strict security cordon by the occupation forces, which has since cut off all communication with medical personnel.

That same day, a Civil Defense rescue team in Rafah’s Tal al-Sultan neighbourhood received urgent calls to travel to al-Hashash area. The calls stated that Israeli occupation forces had unexpectedly invaded the area, killing and injuring dozens of people and trapping medical personnel. Though the call was answered by a team of six Civil Defense personnel, communication with the team was lost shortly after they left to do their job.

One of the crew members was severely beaten by the Israeli occupation forces and then released that evening. The rest—the UNRWA employee, five Civil Defense personnel, and eight Red Crescent paramedics—were killed.

Additional ambulance and Civil Defense crews were able to reach the scene on Friday 28 March, following international coordination, and discovered the mission leader, Civil Defense officer Anwar Abdul Hamid al-Attar, dead, with his body shredded. The rescue crews that arrived Friday also found all of the Red Crescent vehicles, fire trucks, and ambulances completely reduced to charred metal.

Despite being protected by international humanitarian law, the paramedics were directly targeted, as evidenced by the ripped remains of the safety gear discovered at the crime scene. Additionally, evidence shows that the Israeli occupying forces not only killed the victims, but also covered up their crime by using bulldozers and other large equipment to bury the bodies in a mass grave.

The bodies of the eight Red Crescent paramedics were recovered by rescue crews on Sunday 30 March 2025, the first day of Eid al-Fitr. One crew member is still missing, and is thought to be being held by the Israeli military. The bodies of the UNRWA employee and five Civil Defense personnel were also discovered on 30 March.

The Palestinian Red Crescent has identified the following victims: Mohammed Bahloul, Ashraf Abu Labda, Mohammed Al-Hila, Raed Al-Sharif, Mustafa Khafaja, Ezz El-Din Shaat, Saleh Muammar, and Refaat Radwan. The victims from the Civil Defense are Yousef Rasem Khalifa (ambulance officer), Fouad Ibrahim Al-Jamal (ambulance driver), Ibrahim Nabil Al-Maghari (firefighter officer), Samir Yahya Al-Bahabsa (firefighter officer), and Zuhair Abdul Hamid Al-Farra (firefighter driver). The victim who worked for UNRWA is Kamal Mohammed Shahtout.

“As soon as the incident occurred, we entered the site west of Rafah with OCHA crews, “Sufyan Ahmed, a member of the Civil Defense team involved in the effort to recover the victims’ bodies, said in a statement to Euro-Med Monitor. “The Israeli army told OCHA that the bodies of the victims were found next to a fire truck and an electrical pole. Using a small bulldozer, we started our excavation at the spot the army had designated. One body was discovered. After examining it, it was determined to be the body of the mission leader, Anwar Abdel Hamid al-Attar.”

He continued: “We used OCHA to get in touch with the army and enquire about the whereabouts of the other bodies. They replied that the bodies were in the same hole from which we had taken al-Attar’s body, next to the electrical pole. We dug deeper into the hole and kept looking, but we could not find anything. We then had to leave the site because the army had given us a limited amount of time.

“We went to the site the following day and waited at a nearby location, awaiting the army’s approval to enter,” he added. “After roughly five hours, we were told that entry was refused, so we departed. The following day, we anticipated being granted access to the site, but were still denied permission. After a few days of waiting, we received approval yesterday, Sunday, and were able to access the site. We were told that the army would stay with us until they told us where the bodies were interred so that we could start the excavation process.”

Explained Ahmed: “When we got to the site, a quadcopter was flying overhead, showing us where the bodies were buried. We received a sign pointing to the graveyard from the drone. We were shocked to learn that the designated site was far from the one where we had previously been informed the bodies were interred. At that moment, we recognized that they had been attempting to delay, procrastinate, and waste our time the first [few days]. We, the Civil Defense staff (two paramedics and two drivers), convened briefly after the new location was determined to devise a strategy for safely retrieving the bodies. We had prior experience on similar missions and had the required equipment.

“We started digging right away, discovered a body, and recovered it. We dug out another body that we found underneath. We then found a third body underneath. We dug further until all of the Red Crescent and Civil Defense personnel’s bodies were found in the same hole. The body of an UNRWA employee was the only one still missing. We asked OCHA about its location, and they told us that it was close to the ‘barracks’ area, west of Rafah.

The bodies had distinct features, but they were in the early stages of decomposition. When they were examined, it was evident that a barrage of bullets had struck them. Based on my observations, the injuries were located in the chest region. A closer look revealed that some of the victims had still been alive despite their injuries—they were apparently buried alive with their feet bound.

“Among the bodies we looked at was Ibrahim al-Maghari’s. His body was covered in severe bruises and showed evidence of torture, and his legs seemed bound. After being shot in the back of the head, his face was completely ripped apart. Regarding Fouad al-Jamal’s body, he was shot in the head from a very close distance, causing his skull to shatter, [giving the appearance of] crushed bones. We discovered that every employee of the Palestinian Red Crescent had been shot in the left and right sides of the head.

After getting permission from the Israeli army, we removed the bodies with immense grief and suffering, moved them to ambulances, and left the site for the hospital.”

Ahmed went on, “We saw bags, blankets, clothing, and other items belonging to thousands of citizens who had been displaced that day, when we first arrived at the scene of the incident and collected the body of Anwar al-Attar. However, these items were absent when we returned to the site a few days later, indicating that the incident site had been altered and tampered with.”

He affirmed: “We were joined by a Red Cross delegation and a forensic physician with expertise in autopsies when the bodies were recovered. Along with documentation experts, we were joined by a delegation from UNRWA and OCHA. All of them observed the process of recovery.”

Another Civil Defense crew’s testimony, which was obtained by Euro-Med Monitor, claims that the victims were cruelly tortured and killed by the occupation forces. The body of one Civil Defense member was wearing handcuffs, while others were discovered in a state of partial undress, and additional victims were found to have suffered from extreme torture that led to their deaths, such as having more than 20 bullets fired into their chest. Most of the victims’ bodies were discovered in a mass grave that was two to three metres deep, this testimony confirms, suggesting that Israeli soldiers forced the victims out of their cars, killed them in cold blood, and then buried them to hide any evidence of the crime.

The Geneva Conventions, which provide protection for medical personnel, relief and humanitarian workers, and United Nations personnel, are gravely violated by this heinous crime, which also blatantly violates international humanitarian law. This is one of many full-fledged war crimes committed by Israel as part of its genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. The international community must take prompt legal action and hold Israel and its allies accountable, as Israel is clearly attempting to eradicate the Strip’s Palestinian population, either by killing them directly or by destroying the institutions that support their existence—the gravest possible crimes.

All states must swiftly launch international criminal investigations to bring every perpetrator to justice. This includes using national courts to hold their own citizens accountable for any crimes related to Israel’s genocide, as well as supporting the International Criminal Court’s work and assisting the Court in any way possible, such as by issuing arrest warrants and turning over any criminals to the appropriate authorities. In order for states to fulfill their responsibilities under international law, Israeli citizens or dual citizens who have committed crimes against the Palestinian people must be prosecuted under the principle of universal jurisdiction.

Every state, both individually and collectively, must fulfill their binding legal obligations and act quickly to end the genocide in the Gaza Strip. Since this is a fundamental, non-negotiable right of a population under international law, states should take all reasonable steps to protect Palestinian civilians in the Strip; protect medical, humanitarian, and UN personnel there; lift the blockade on the enclave; and permit the immediate and unhindered entry of humanitarian aid. There is no legal exception that would permit Israel to deny this aid to the Palestinian people.

The international community must impose economic, diplomatic, and military sanctions on Israel due to its egregious and ongoing violations of international law. These sanctions should include a travel ban; a freeze on the financial assets of officials linked to crimes against Palestinians; a suspension of military cooperation; and a ban on arms sales to—and purchases from—Israel. In addition, trade privileges and bilateral agreements that give Israel economic advantages and allow it to carry out crimes against Palestinians must besuspended as part of these sanctions.

The United States and other nations that give Israel any kind of support or assistance in connection with the commission of its egregious crimes, including aid and contractual relationships in the military, intelligence, political, legal, financial, media, and other areas that contribute to the persistence of such crimes, should be held accountable and prosecuted.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

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