‘In Gaza We Die a 1000 Deaths a Day’

For over a year and five months, the people of Gaza have endured an unrelenting war of extermination—one that has robbed them not only of life’s comforts but of its very essence. Eighteen months of ceaseless suffering, where mere survival has become an act of defiance. The Israeli genocide in Gaza has drained every ounce of their strength—physically, mentally, and emotionally. And for those not granted the mercy of a single, swift death, every moment is a slow, agonizing descent into an unspeakable catastrophe. A never-ending cycle of death inflicted upon them by Israel—where one does not simply perish once, but dies a thousand deaths every day.

Under the relentless barrage of missiles raining down upon us, every passing moment is a gamble with fate. If we escape death today, there is no certainty that it will not claim us tomorrow—for in Israel’s eyes, we are all targets. As if the ceaseless bombardment were not enough, we are also stripped of life’s most basic essentials: food, water, electricity. Existence itself has been reduced to an endless procession of lines—one for a sip of clean water, another for a brief charge of a phone, yet another for a meager ration of humanitarian aid.

But among all these hardships, one of the most crushing has been the loss of cooking gas. With the suffocating blockade and the total closure of border crossings, the last fragile thread connecting us to a semblance of normalcy has been severed. Preparing a meal has become an ordeal, an insurmountable task that drapes every household in Gaza with the weight of exhaustion and despair.

The Cooking Gas Crisis: How It Began

Even before the total closure of Gaza’s crossings during Israel’s war of extermination, access to cooking gas was already scarce, failing to meet the population’s basic needs. Nowhere was this crisis felt more acutely than in the north, where gas barely trickled in—even during the rare moments when Israel allowed limited supplies into the south.

When a brief ceasefire was brokered—only to be swiftly shattered by Israel—residents of northern Gaza were once again left without their share. And the moment the ceasefire ended, the crossings were slammed shut once more, plunging people back into uncertainty, forcing them to navigate survival in the face of the unknown.

Malak Radwan, a resident of northern Gaza, recalls: “The first time we managed to get any cooking gas was after the ceasefire in February, 2025. But it didn’t come from our area—we had to depend on our relatives in the south to share what little they had.”

In southern Gaza, gas distribution operated through a system known as “Gas Lists,” where families were registered in a turn-based queue to receive their cylinders. Even then, the allocated amounts were woefully insufficient to meet the needs of the population. Yet, despite its scarcity and inflated cost, gas was still seen as a rare privilege—one that people clung to with gratitude.

But as the siege tightened and Israel’s total closure of the crossings dragged on, these lists became little more than illusions of hope—long, stagnant lines that might never move. According to the Government Media Office in Gaza, the Israeli occupation has prevented the entry of 18,600 aid trucks and 1,550 fuel trucks, including those carrying cooking gas, further exacerbating the suffering of the Palestinian people. Left stranded in uncertainty, families were forced to seek out alternative ways to cook, even as every other resource around them faded into oblivion.

Alternative Cooking Methods Amidst Catastrophe

They say necessity is the mother of invention, but what happens when all means of invention have vanished? Can the resort to primitive methods still be considered innovation in the face of such overwhelming disaster?

In Gaza, residents have been driven to rely on primitive cooking methods—each effort a dangerous gamble that weighs heavily on their bodies, their souls, and their fragile mental state.

Once, gathering around a coal fire to brew tea on a cold winter’s night was a beloved family ritual, a moment unmatched in its warmth. But now, that same fire has been forced upon us as a way of life—one that ignites not only our stoves but also the anguish in our hearts.

Yet, even firewood has become a distant luxury. Its price has soared, driven by the scarcity of trees, forcing some to scavenge shattered wood from the ruins of bombed homes or burn whatever fragments of furniture they have left. Never did we envision a day when we would be compelled to set our own belongings aflame just to prepare a meal.


“My fingers seem to melt with the fire every time I light it,” my mother sighs.

With firewood becoming prohibitively expensive, many have resorted to standing in yet another queue—this time in front of makeshift clay ovens, hoping to cook whatever food they have left. Umm Mohammad, a displaced woman from northern Gaza, has started her own small business: operating a clay oven where she bakes bread and prepares meals in exchange for a few Shekels.
“I began this work to support myself after losing everything during my displacement to the south. At the same time, I wanted to help those who have no means of cooking in their homes or tents,” she says.

For many families, even a few shekels are out of reach. The only remaining option is to rely on community kitchens—yet another queue to stand in, another obstacle in the endless struggle for survival. These kitchens provide just one meal a day, forcing many to subsist on cold canned food for the rest of their meals. Even the single meal was denied to them by the Israeli occupation. According to a report issued by the Government Media Office in Gaza, the Israeli occupation has directly targeted 60 charity kitchens and aid centers in a ruthless campaign aimed at starving the Palestinian people in Gaza. This has resulted in 80% of Gazan citizens losing their source of food.

The impact has been especially harsh on children and the elderly, who desperately need warm, nutritious food to sustain them.

And this is yet another burden we set aside amid the bleakness of our lives. Here in Gaza, the closure of border crossings is not the only barrier worsening the disaster of cooking gas shortages. As Gazans, we do not have the luxury of choosing our daily meals, nor do we have the privilege of enjoying a well-balanced diet. Every day, we are forced to go to the market, only to face the recurring frustration of missing food supplies. We are compelled to prepare meals we do not desire because no alternatives exist, and to eat unbalanced meals because we cannot afford anything better. Here, every moment we endure is a catastrophe in itself.

The Health and Social Consequences of the Gas Shortage

The crisis extends far beyond the inability to cook—it has dire implications for both health and society. Malnutrition has become rampant due to the lack of proper food preparation, leading to widespread cases of general weakness and anemia, especially among children.

Respiratory illnesses have also surged, as people are forced to burn wood and coal inside their homes, inhaling thick smoke with every breath. This has exacerbated the suffering of the sick and elderly.

Amani Al-Ghefari, a resident of northern Gaza, recounts her ordeal: “As someone with nearsightedness who wears corrective glasses, the smoke from burning wood has not only worsened my vision but has also caused a constant burning in my eyes, accompanied by migraines and relentless coughing. The most harrowing consequence, however, has been the physical strain—splitting firewood has taken a severe toll on my joints, leading to months of painful physical therapy.”

But the catastrophe is not limited to physical health—it has deeply scarred the psyche of every Gazan. Food is no longer just a means of sustenance; it has become a haunting memory of life before the genocide. The warmth of family gatherings around a meal has been replaced by a daily struggle for mere survival.
One mother confesses in anguish:
“I can no longer cook a warm meal for my children. I feel helpless, unable to provide for their most basic needs.”

Gaza’s Plea for Its Most Basic Rights

Amidst this suffering, numerous humanitarian organizations have made urgent appeals for aid to enter Gaza. The World Food Programme has expressed concern over the closure of 25 bakeries it supports in Gaza, due to a lack of fuel and flour. Yet, Israel continues its punitive policies, blocking fuel and essential supplies. Human rights advocates persist in calling for the immediate reopening of crossings and the unrestricted flow of aid to all areas of the Strip.

What is happening in Gaza is not merely a humanitarian crisis—it is an orchestrated catastrophe. Life as we knew it has been obliterated, and the suffering has surpassed all conceivable limits. Now more than ever, there is an urgent need for decisive international intervention to save the people of Gaza and to lift the inhumane siege that deprives them of even the most basic right—to cook their own food.

Silence is no longer an option. Every passing moment means more hunger, more pain, more devastation. Supporting Gaza is not just a humanitarian duty—it is a moral imperative that the world can no longer afford to ignore.

Quds News Network

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Lebanese Media in The Age of Political Conspiracies

By Sama Abu Sharar

Lebanese media outlets have traditionally played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion on the current issues of the day. This includes their promotion of the Syrian tutelage in the 1990s, their tacit acceptance of Hezbollah’s influence during the 2016 presidential settlement, and their consistent coverage of the framework agreement recently signed in Washington.

Local TV channels align with the agendas of their respective political parties. Each era has its agenda with the current one clearly aimed at whitewashing the image of Israel in the eyes of the Lebanese public, and reinforcing the notion that peace with Israel is possible, and normalization is not impossible.

Lebanese television stations are controlled by influential figures linked to political parties or families known for their impact on local politics. Al-Manar is affiliated with Hezbollah, while NBN is owned by Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri and seen as the official mouthpiece of the Amal Movement. Pierre Daher, who broke away from the Lebanese Forces following a dispute that reached the courts, owns half of LBCI.

This is while MTV, headed by Michel Murr, is owned by his family and is known for promoting the Lebanese Forces’ rhetoric. Al-Jadeed, owned by Tahsin Khayat, fluctuates its editorial policy depending on its funding sources, and OTV is affiliated with the Free Patriotic Movement. Given the clear affiliations and loyalties of the Lebanese audience, these television channels appear more like a mirror image reflecting the sectarian and political mosaic of the country, spanning the spectrum from the far right to the far left and everything in between.

Political Money in Lebanese Media

A study by the Maharat Foundation in collaboration with the Legal Agenda and the European Media and Journalism Research Centre (MJRC) indicates that the vast majority of print, broadcast, and online media outlets in Lebanon are affiliated with political parties, sectarian groups, or influential political entities. These outlets reflect political agendas rather than editorial independence, transformed into tools in the hands of powerful decision-makers, whether individuals, parties, or even regional states. The study describes journalism in Lebanon as a weapon in the ongoing political conflicts.

Media coverage of the recent Israeli war on Lebanon reveals that most television stations chose to prioritize their political agendas over the Israeli crimes targeting Lebanese civilians and this demonstrates their political alignment over the issues professionalism and interests of the people.

Research by the Legal Agenda reveals shortcomings in the media coverage of the 2024 Israeli war on Lebanon. This coverage has sometimes misled public opinion, justified violations, weakened documentation, and obscured the victims. A review of the media coverage of 10 war crimes committed by Israel showed that the three most-watched television channels (Al-Jadeed, LBC, and MTV) omitted crucial legal questions. The extent of Israel’s adherence to the principles of international humanitarian law and its disregard for necessary measures to protect civilians. These were ignored. Furthermore, their coverage lacked legal analysis of the Israeli attacks, despite their serious violations amounting to war crimes.

Lebanese journalist Jumana Baalbaki affirms that some media outlets “deepened the division, justified the aggression, and indulged in dangerous sectarian rhetoric, thus deviating from the priority of maintaining peace and accuracy.” The accuracy that Baalbaki refers to is not limited to publishing the correct news; it also refers to the neglect of events and realities such as people’s stories, their deaths, displacement, and their suffering. “The victims became mere numbers, without names or faces, and consequently, their stories not part of the narrative that could have exerted pressure to stop the war, as happened in Gaza, where its people shared their suffering through TikTok.”

In his study, “The Lebanese Press and Its Role in Times of Peace and War,” Dr. Nassim Khoury argues that the Lebanese media has historically played a constructive role on one hand and a destructive one on the other. It contributed to strengthening nationalist and independence sentiments, while on the other hand, at various periods in Lebanon’s history, it served as a tool for political polarization, sectarian conflict, and foreign influence.

According to Khoury, the relatively broad press freedom in Lebanon allowed for the flourishing of diverse opinions, but it also enabled newspapers to align themselves with political parties, sectarian groups, and foreign governments instead of serving the public interest. Although the study focused on Lebanese newspapers, most of which no longer exist, its conclusions can be applied to the majority of visual, audio, and electronic media.

He argues that the media formed part of the conflict during the Lebanese Civil War, whether through its work as an arm of the various political factions and militias or through fueling fear, hatred, and division.

Mobilizing the Street

Some might think the various Lebanese media outlets learned from their experience with political alignments, but not so. Political money, promoting specific agendas, continues to influence most of them, and more openly than in previous eras.

Lebanese journalist Hussein Ayoub confirms the role played by most Lebanese media outlets has not changed. He points to the worsening situation with the deepening internal divisions over Lebanon’s identity and regional positioning. Are these media outlets “an ally of America and Israel, or an ally of Iran? Are they an ally of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf states, or an ally of Europe? Is it even permissible for a country like Lebanon to be neutral?” Ayoub asks.

The environment in which the media operates takes us back to the early stages of the formation of the Lebanese state, according to Ayoub: “When you live in a country called Lebanon, whose pillars, since it’s founding a 100 years ago, have been sectarian and reinforced by foreign tutelage,” political, partisan, cultural, and media institutions represent “an extension of the sectarian system.” They are distributed according to sectarian considerations, making them a tool for measuring the sectarian audience that follows this channel or boycotts that one, based on criteria of polarization and alienation.

It is clear to observers today that the loudest voices are those of media outlets promoting peace—if their presence is compared to the voices rejecting any kind of relationship with Israel. And abundant political funding not only ensures the media’s adherence to the peace agenda but has also demonstrated its ability to disseminate this orientation.

As Lebanese media outlets compete to promote the Israeli narrative to their local audiences, MTV hosted members of the South Lebanon Army residing in Israel on one of its programs to glorify the Jewish state and create the impression of Israelis’ love for the Lebanese, revealing a performance that aligns with a predetermined agenda. LBCI television defied the Israeli boycott law by hosting Israeli journalist Barak Ravid, a correspondent for Israel’s Channel 12 and Axios.

In this context, Al-Jadeed’s Washington correspondent, Pedro Ghanem, rushed to make an exclusive interview with Israeli Ambassador Yechiel Leiter following a round of negotiations between the Lebanese and Israeli delegations, giving him airtime to comment on the talks.

During an interview with MP Hassan Fadlallah, a member of the Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc, George Salibi, host of the “Halak Shu” program on Al-Jadeed, posed a question on behalf of Israeli army spokesperson Avichai Adraee to his guest, who declined to answer it.

Ayoub believes that such matters transcend normalization with Israel and reach the level of professional ethics. He argues that “the most egregious aspect of this is that of George Salibi and the question he raised while his country negotiates directly with the Israelis in Washington and concluding an agreement with them that can only be described as a complete violation of Lebanese sovereignty. Nothing prevents the deployment of Lahad militia operatives in villages whose inhabitants have not been displaced, or mercenary companies contacting Lahad agents in Israel to determine if they can exploit them or their children should the security zone be established” in southern Lebanon.

In an interview with “Voice of the People” radio, university professor and researcher Jad Melki links the Lebanese media’s promotion of the Israeli narrative to the official Lebanese discourse that has criminalized the resistance. He points out that the media chaos facilitated by the Lebanese presidency is being met with widespread condemnation from the Lebanese public.

He gives as an example the video that went viral on the social media, in which a young Lebanese woman, participating in a survey about the possibility of peace with Israel, says: “They party like us, they talk like us, and they value women like us,” attempting to draw parallels between Lebanese and Israelis. Maliki says this video wouldn’t have gained such widespread attention had there not been a negative reaction and rejection of what the young woman said.

Malki add: “In all media coverage, those on the fringes, the extremes, attract the largest audience, even though they might represent only one percent. For example, today in the United States, those who talk about abortion are very few. A large segment is on the extreme right, and a small segment is on the extreme left. These are the ones who attract the most attention. But the majority of the population, those in the middle, and most of them are rational on this issue, accept abortion under certain circumstances, but not always. The same applies to all issues,” Maliki explains.

Opinion Polls and the Transparency of Representation

Public opinion polls typically reflect people’s views on a particular topic by taking the opinions of a representative sample encompassing all segments of society according to rigorous scientific standards. However, things take a different turn in a country like Lebanon, where those concerned question the representativeness of public opinion polls and the extent to which the institutions conducting them are subject to political funding.

Hussein Ayoub states: “There are questions raised about the timing of most opinion polls in Lebanon like who funds them, and what are their objectives, do they have Lebanese or foreign agendas.” He points out also that scientific standards are absent from many opinion polls, especially in the way questions are formulated. “It’s not just about asking the question, but also about selecting the sample,” he says, asking rhetorically: “Can you ask a drowning person if they would like to travel to La La Land?” He stresses the necessity for a scientific methodology related to types of questions asked, timing, sample selection, and target audience.

Among the polls that sparked controversy in Lebanon was the one held by “International Information,” which showed a significant increase in public support for signing a peace agreement with Israel, from 25 percent in August 2025 to 49 percent this year. But there was much criticism on the way the organization used in conducting the poll. Ayoub points out that the poll overlooked the fact that 26 percent of respondents refused to answer and were given alternatives—a percentage that, if included, could have altered the poll’s results whilst mentioning other shortcomings, errors, and flaws common in most opinion polls.

Political parties and research centers

Jumana Baalbaki focuses on several Lebanese political parties that rely on research centers to conduct polls for purely internal purposes: Gauging popularity and/or identifying factors that benefit the party in its battles with its rivals. She questions whether research institutions classified as independent, such as Ipsos, International Information, and Araa, are truly free from the influence of business interests in their work and results, especially since many of these polls are conducted or commissioned by political parties to reinforce a particular viewpoint.

Neither Ayoub nor Baalbaki believes that opinion polls in Lebanon—like the media—actually reflect the pulse of the street. “Perhaps a more accurate approach would be to hold a public referendum, provided its results are not manipulated as happens in elections,” Baalbaki explains. Ayoub argues that “the problem with opinion polls is more serious than with the media, in that most of the funding is external.”

He points to the electoral climate where polling institutions compete to demonstrate their support for one candidate or another, resulting in figures determined by who pays the most. There are always exceptions, whether in the media or polling institutions, but they are few in a country like Lebanon, governed by sectarianism and sharp internal divisions, amidst the extremely delicate and complex circumstances the country is experiencing.

A study on media platforms and news sources and their impact on political trends during the 2026 Israeli war on Lebanon, supervised by Dr. Jad Melki, Journalism and Media Studies Professor at the Lebanese American University, revealed a radical shift in how Lebanese people access news. According to a survey of 1,000 participants, television stations lost their position as the primary source of war news for the first time to social media, specifically to WhatsApp. The study showed 73 percent of those following war news received their information via mobile phones, 63 percent via television, and only 2 percent via radio.

The study indicates that despite the fact that 50% of survey participants closely followed war news, 82% did not share any war-related content on social media. WhatsApp again emerged as the most used platform, with 53% of respondents using it, followed by Facebook at 22%, Instagram at 14%, and TikTok at the bottom, with less than 7%.

The study reveals that despite the sharp political differences among respondents, there was widespread agreement regarding the stance towards Israel; with 87% of those surveyed considering Israel as the enemy, 51% the United States as an enemy, and 38%, as Iran as the enemy. Regarding the future path, 54% chose diplomacy as the sole means for liberation, while 35% in favour of armed resistance.

The study concludes that media usage in Lebanon reflects and reinforces political polarization. The shift from traditional media like television to social media platforms is a double-edged sword. While it threatens social cohesion during wartime, it also empowers the new generation with broader global perspectives and a more critical outlook, particularly if they transcend their sectarian divisions.

The lack of trust in traditional media and polls has fostered critical thinking, analytical skills, and the ability to read between the lines. In a country like Lebanon, there are no single friends or enemies, and the country is governed by a sectarian system characterized by sectarian power-sharing in all state institutions. The media, often referred to as the fourth estate, struggles to transcend its role as a mirror of this sectarian power-sharing system. This raises doubts about its ability to represent the pulse of the street and transforms it into a platform for loud noise, still striving to convince the audience that it represents the majority.

This article, originally written in Arabic, appeared in Al Quds Al Arabi and is reprinted in crossfirearabia.com.  Sama Abu Sharar is a professional journalist, writer and translator with skills in three languages: Arabic, French and English. She is currently residing in Beirut and writes on different Palestinian and Lebanese issues for publications such as the online Palestine Chronicle and Al Quds Al Arabi, a prestigious Arabic language daily newspaper published in London. Her articles appear in translated form in crossfirearabia.com.

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Gaza: Thousands For The Egyptian Aid Worker Who Organized World Cup Screenings

Palestinians have been widely sharing the story of aid worker Mohammed al-Wahidi following his death in an Israeli drone strike in Gaza City, remembering him for organizing relief efforts and public screenings of FIFA World Cup matches for displaced families.

Al-Wahidi, 65, was known in Gaza for overseeing humanitarian activities and setting up large outdoor screens where displaced Palestinians could watch World Cup matches despite widespread destruction, electricity shortages, and mass displacement.

According to posts shared by Palestinians on social media in recent days, al-Wahidi survived an initial Israeli drone strike on the vehicle he was traveling in before boarding another civilian car that was later struck, killing him.

“Israeli military drones pursued Mohammed al-Wahidi twice; they struck the first car he was in and he survived, then he got into another vehicle, which was hit, killing him,” Palestinian Yusuf Fares wrote on Facebook, citing a member of al-Wahidi’s family.

In a Facebook tribute, his cousin Nizar al-Wahidi wrote that Mohammed al-Wahidi, known as Abu Suhaib, “was not spared assassination.”

He added that al-Wahidi’s “greatest crime” was serving as director of the Office of Mukhtars and Community Leaders at the Egyptian Committee for Relief of the Displaced in Gaza and helping prepare public screenings for Egypt’s World Cup match against Argentina.

Following his death, Palestinians widely shared photographs of al-Wahidi during relief activities and recalled his efforts to assist families and organize football screenings that offered residents brief moments of normalcy amid the war.

World Cup screenings

During the 2026 FIFA World Cup, al-Wahidi supervised the installation of large public screens in displacement areas across Gaza, allowing displaced families, children, and other residents to gather and watch matches despite the humanitarian crisis.

Many displaced Palestinians now live in overcrowded tents or damaged buildings after Israeli military offensives destroyed their homes and repeated evacuation orders forced them from their neighborhoods.

Al-Wahidi was preparing public viewing areas ahead of Egypt’s Round of 16 match against Argentina before he was killed.

Egypt was eliminated from the tournament on Tuesday after Argentina came from two goals down to win 3-2.

Relief work

The Egyptian Relief Committee in Gaza said in a statement that al-Wahidi headed its Office of Mukhtars and Community Leaders in Gaza City.

The committee described him as a respected community figure dedicated to reconciliation, humanitarian work, and serving Palestinian families.

In his role, he coordinated with community elders and local leaders, helping facilitate relief operations and community initiatives.

Egyptian news outlet Masrawy quoted committee spokesman Mohammed Mansour as saying al-Wahidi was participating in a neighborhood reconciliation meeting shortly before the Israeli strike.

Mansour confirmed that al-Wahidi managed the committee’s Office of Mukhtars and Community Leaders, denying reports circulated online that he headed the committee itself.

Strike killed four

According to an Anadolu correspondent, an Israeli drone struck a civilian vehicle in Gaza City’s Sabra neighborhood on July 7.

The strike killed four Palestinians, including two siblings, as well as al-Wahidi and Ahmed Doghmosh, who were inside the vehicle.

The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights said al-Wahidi had been preparing public World Cup viewing areas before the strike, which occurred shortly before the Egypt-Argentina match.

The rights group said his killing raises “serious concerns that the (Israeli) occupation is not only killing Palestinians but also seeking to eliminate every space for normal life and collective joy.”

It argued that targeting individuals and initiatives providing residents with moments of relief reflects a broader policy aimed at undermining civilian life and keeping Palestinians under constant fear and deprivation.

Hundreds of Palestinians later attended al-Wahidi’s funeral in Gaza City, carrying his body draped in the Palestinian and Egyptian flags. Community leaders, aid workers, and local residents also gathered to offer condolences to his family.

Gaza has been devastated by Israel’s genocidal war since Oct. 8, 2023, with more than 73,000 Palestinians killed and over 173,000 injured, according to Palestinian figures. Israeli attacks have also damaged or destroyed about 91% of the enclave’s infrastructure. Anadolu

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