Israel’s Forgotten Story: Palestinian Women Prisoners

By Raed Mohammed Mahmood Amer 

Since the beginning of the Palestinian struggle, women have played a central role alongside men in resisting Israeli occupation. They have played a key role in all aspects, whether in the phase of preparing and building, or in the battle for liberation. This participation was not limited to the more traditional roles, but formed the essence of the Palestinian struggle.

Despite the growing sacrifices they continue to make, Palestinian women continue to bear the cost of this struggle. Since its inception, Israeli occupation has systematically targeted women through killings, torture, arrests, and other forms of oppression.

As it pertains to arrest and detention, thousands of Palestinian women have been placed in the occupation’s prisons and military detention camps over the past close to six decades. Women have been used as leverage to pressure armed resistance fighters, particularly those related to them. Arrests of their female family members have been used as a form of blackmail aimed at forcing the men to surrender. This abusive policy has only escalated since Oct. 7, amid Israel’s ongoing assault on the Palestinian people in Gaza, Jerusalem, and the West Bank.

Since the start of the genocide, the arrest and detention of Palestinian women has spiked. According to our own data as prisoner’s defense groups, Israeli occupation forces have since Oct. 2023 arrested at least 490 Palestinian women from Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem. These arrests include women from all walks of life—at least 25 university students, six journalists, lawyers, mothers, wives of martyrs, and public figures such as parliamentarian Khalida Jarrar.

In addition, we have clear indications that there are a large number of female prisoners who were arrested from Gaza, that are being subject to the severe crime of enforced disappearances, with the occupation refusing to disclose their identities, the number of women being held, and the location of where they are being held.

Palestinian women currently in Israeli custody are enduring the most violent and dangerous period in the history of the prisoners’ movement. They are enduring a wide array of severe violations that have also been practiced against men. Knowing that women are among the most vulnerable sectors of Palestinian society, the Israeli occupation has weaponized and used women’s bodies against them in an attempt to inflict the most pain possible. These violations include rape, sexual, physical and psychological assault, forced unnecessary strip searches, enforced starvation, and deprivation of female-related necessities among many other things. While women have historically suffered such violations at the hands of occupation authorities, these practices only became severely more frequent and violent since the start of the genocide in Gaza. Countless testimonies of liberated Palestinian women serve as proof to the widespread abuses taking place inside the Israeli occupation’s prisons. The UN acknowledged reports of sexual violence, particularly against female detainees from Gaza.

Some examples of female prisoners

A prominent example is Khalida Jarrar, a Palestinian Legislative Council member. She has endured all forms of abuse by the occupation, including solitary isolation, torture, starvation, and medical neglect. She was placed in solitary confinement for five consecutive months before her release on Jan. 19, 2025 as part of the first batch of a prisoner exchange and ceasefire deal between the occupation and the Hamas movement. Among the worst violations that Jarrar faced was being denied the chance to attend the funeral of her daughter, who passed away while Khalida was in prison. Israel robbed Jarrar of her ability to bid her daughter farewell, like many other prisoners before and after her.

Another tragic example is the case of Israa Jaabis, who suffered severe burns on her body during her arrest. The Israeli authorities denied her medical treatment, exacerbating her already severe suffering. Additionally, female prisoner Hana Shalabi has been arrested and tortured several times. She went on a 44-day hunger strike in protest of being held without trial or charge, also known as administrative detention, amid the harsh conditions in Israeli prisons. Such cases highlight the magnitude of violations faced by Palestinian female prisoners, where the occupation shows no concern for the lives of these detainees.

Despite these grave violations faced by Palestinian women in Israeli prisons, international human rights organizations and institutions remain silent in the face of these abuses. The international community has not made any serious efforts to hold the Israeli occupation accountable or exert pressure on it to halt these inhumane policies against Palestinian female prisoners. Palestinian female prisoners are enduring an ongoing journey of suffering, and their plight is a part of the unending violations of the occupation. Palestinian women continue to await freedom, hoping justice will prevail.

The writer whose article appeared in Anadolu, is president if the Palestinian Prisoners Association.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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For South Lebanon, All You Need is Few Miracles!

The fourth round of negotiations between representatives of the Lebanese Government, in the person of the Lebanese Ambassador to Washington, and representatives of the Israeli government, under the cuddling attitude of the State Department, to reach some kind of agreement between the two odd neighbors in the Middle East, look like a friendly, yet an absurd endeavor of witch-hunting, that can only render the caterers and planners of the event, happy! For each team are supposed to ask their counterparts to agree to things that are beyond their jurisdiction or authority, to say yes or no, under the current circumstances!


Israel wants the government of Lebanon to agree to a peace accord with it like the ones concluded, long time ago, with Egypt, PLO and Jordan, just to give a finger to Iran and its Shia active and militarily strong allies in Lebanon. For their part, the Lebanese delegation would be shyly telling the Israeli negotiators that before any other item is considered, Israeli forces have to be out of Lebanese territories first.

Official Israel and Lebanon are fully aware that such meetings will lead to nowhere, as long as back home and on the ground, where the real cooking is taking place, ‘chefs’ are having good time doing their best to burn the food further!


But as hopeful amateurs, certain individuals in Washington DC who are probably not educated enough or familiar with Middle Eastern zig-zags, or just pretending to be up to something, seem to be rehearsing for
future similar events!


A special tailored ceasefire in Lebanon now will be absolutely not useful for the Israelis. But it could be arranged with American urging and blessing, just to give the impression that something can be done. It will be a message to the Iranians and the world that, yes we can have a ceasefire in Lebanon now, it is your turn to be flexible on the Hormuz entanglement! While the original story was a complete reverse, meaning we can have a ceasefire around Hormuz, only if we had one in south Lebanon! But here is the real picture on the ground.


Israel is holding the whole area of south Lebanon and its nearly 400 villages as a hostage, thanks to its ability to hit any spot in Lebanon and in Beirut in particular. It is a bargaining chip to pressure the Lebanese government to submit to an official deal that would by-pass Hezbollah and the Shia component in the Lebanese Parliament. While Hezbollah and their local allies refuse to concede their arms to the central government in Beirut, claiming that such a move would be interpreted as a concession to Israel.


So, if I were to advice the Israelis on how to outsmart their opponents in Lebanon, I would tell them, you can stop your absurd war in Lebanon immediately, and start withdrawing your soldiers from areas they entered after the last ceasefire announced between Iran and the US and Israel, and wait for their reaction to that!


And if I were to advice Hezbollah, I would tell them do not target villages or civilians within Israel international borders and make clear that you only target Israeli military presence within Lebanese international borders, and wait for a reaction!

And finally, if I were to advice the Americans on this particular issue, which looks actually like a replicate of their other similar moves and initiatives in the region, since June 2025, when President Trump, willingly swallowed the pill prescribed to him by Dr. Netanyahu, to end the Iranian headache, I would say this: Might, like cash, is not the answer to all problems! It is only a temporary remedy, like the cash that cannot buy you happiness, but the delusion that you are experiencing
it!


The entanglement in south Lebanon will not be solved by apprentices in history and geography meeting in air-conditioned elegant rooms in Washington DC, but there on the grounds of south Lebanon, where valleys, trees, rivers, mountains, villages and people have long time ago, concluded among themselves, without external interference, an eternal verbal memorandum of understanding, that they were doomed to live or perish there in rotation, exactly like the four seasons of the
year!


It all worked out smoothly there since, without miracles!

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Iran is Writing The Final Chapter!

By Ziyad Farhan Al-Majali

In major wars, results are not always measured by the ‘noise volume’, number of airstrikes, or the extent of the military maps displayed on TV screens. Sometimes the noise is louder than the decisive action, and the roar is stronger than the ability to end the battle.

From this perspective, the Israeli-American war on Iran can be read as a tumultuous moment in the history of regional conflict. Here however, it was not the final moment which Israel desired and was looking for.

Tel Aviv wanted to present the war as its declaration of its superiority, one that would be final. It wanted to say that its reach could penetrate deep inside Iran, that the old balance of deterrence was broken, and that the aftermath of the strike would not be the same as it was before.

Therefore, Israel’s “lion roar” was to be loud from the very beginning: Threatening rhetoric, painful strikes, psychological warfare — a clear attempt to portray Iran as a state exposed to Israeli and American power.

But the roar by itself, however loud it boomed, was not enough to bring about a political end. True, Iran suffered heavy blows, with sensitive facilities, infrastructure and sites sustained significant damage, finding itself facing a broad economic, military, and psychological siege and pressure.

Yet, despite all this, the war did not topple the Iranian government, nor did it remove the state from the regional equation, nor did it end its nuclear program as a negotiating issue, nor did it break its deterrent and maneuvering capabilities.

Herein lies the central paradox of this war. Israel raised the stakes to their highest points, but it did not achieve a decisive victory. Israel sought to eliminate the so-called Iranian threat with a single strike or a series of blows, only to discover that Iran is not a military site that can be wiped off the map, nor a single facility whose destruction would end the conflict.

Rather, it is a deep-rooted, expansive state with multiple levers of pressure: From the Strait of Hormuz to Lebanon, from missiles to air corridors, from allies to the capacity for long-term patience. Iran is a tough nut!

Perhaps the most dangerous revelation of the war is that it did not produce a definitive answer, but rather raised even greater questions. Can military force alone reshape Iran? Can bombing impose a stable political settlement? Will weakening Tehran lead to its expulsion from the region, or will it push it to rebuild its influence more cautiously and covertly? Was the war the beginning of the end, or the start of a new phase of a postponed conflict?

Iran emerged from the war wounded, but it didn’t exit the negotiating table. It appeared battered, but it did not collapse. Maybe besieged but it is still holding cards. Whilst today Iran might be in a predicament, but it has not lost its ability to negotiate, to threaten, and wait for the next move.

This is precisely is what is making the outcome far more complex than what Israel has tried to portray: The war may have succeeded in inflicting pain on Iran, but it did not  eliminating the Iranian state and its apparatus.

While Israel may have achieved a significant show of force, it did not achieve an outright and decisive victory. The decisive outcome it sought remained incomplete, and the deterrence it aimed to restore remained contingent on what would follow after the war: Would Iran back down? Would it retaliate? Would it accept American terms? Would it open the Strait of Hormuz according to Washington’s wishes? And would the Lebanese front be detached from Tehran’s calculations, or would it remain part of the long-term equation of retaliation?

Therefore, the war does not appear to be the end of the conflict with Iran, but rather a new chapter in a broader, protracted struggle. In this chapter, Israel raised its voice to the maximum, but it could not write the final chapter. States do not fall through mere bluster, regional projects do not end with a single blow, and conflicts that have accumulated over decades are not resolved in days, no matter how intense the fighting is.

In short, Israel’s “roar” was loud, perhaps painful, and perhaps unprecedented in some aspects, but it was not enough to topple Iran or remove it from the scene. The din of war has risen, the region has been shaken, and calculations have shifted, but Iran remains on the precipice, not outside history.

Therefore, the most accurate description of this phase is not a complete Israeli victory, nor an Iranian resistance without cost, but rather a war whose end is not yet in sight: A war in which Israel roared loudly, but was not able to bring down Iran.

This article was reproduced from the Jo24 Arabic website in Jordan and appears in the www.crossfirearabia.com.

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