Israel’s War on Truth

The number of journalists killed in Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023 is unprecedented in human history. More media workers have lost their lives in the Gaza war than in World War II, the Vietnam War or the 1990s conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. Tallies vary because of different counting methodologies. The International Federation of Journalists puts the toll at 148 deaths while others record a figure of over 200. For context, there were around 1,000 journalists working in Gaza at the start of 2023, so the mortality rate is significant. Of course, the overall toll in this war is horrendous; more than 45,000 have perished, according to the authorities in Gaza. However, the death toll among journalists is dramatically higher than that among any other occupational group.

Explaining such an extraordinary proportion of lost lives is necessarily speculative – but there are factors that are impossible to ignore. The Israeli Defense Forces have access to sophisticated monitoring equipment, such as Pegasus, which secretly infects mobile phones and discloses their precise locations. They have AI-powered systems known as “Lavender” and “Gospel” to select targets and program weapons systems to precise geo-locations. They also have a fleet of deadly drones.

Obstacles to reporting

Neither of these are the only circumstantial evidence that something terrible is in progress. International reporters have been barred from Gaza since the war’s outset. Foreign correspondents have repeatedly petitioned to pass through the Rafah crossing to witness events for themselves, and they have been consistently denied. The Foreign Press Association in Jerusalem has stated: “Never before has Israel enforced such a long and strict information blackout. It has repeatedly rejected our appeals for access, (and) fought us in court to uphold this draconian ban.”

During the same period, the Israeli daily paper Haaretz has been sanctioned by its own government, and the Qatari television station Al Jazeera has been banned from operating in both Israel and the West Bank. The most profound effect of this campaign is felt in Gaza, of course, but such an attack on free reporting has an impact all around the world.

Call for international action

As long as the Israeli government pursues such a policy, and is facilitated by its allies, it provides cover for all those around the world who would undermine media freedom. So, what then can be done by those of us who support free and unfettered journalism?

The first step is to recognize the extraordinary bravery of those who continue to report from Gaza. They deserve every form of support that we can provide. In recent months, the IFJ, working with UNESCO, has launched three journalists’ solidarity centers in Gaza where reporters work, recuperate, socialize and access training. Alongside many other agencies, the IFJ also directly aids journalists through their union, the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate. Anyone can support this work via the IFJ’s International Safety Fund.

No less important is the demand for an international investigation into what has happened to journalists in Gaza. Karim Khan, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has already announced that he has “reasonable grounds to believe that Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant bear criminal responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity.” It is critical that Khan’s investigation progresses and that its findings are examined in a court of law. Only when this happens will there be a chance for Palestinians to start believing that international law protects them.

International law needs to be more accessible

Such a long wait for the ICC to take up this case – and previous crimes such as the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh in 2022 – makes it clear that obtaining international justice for journalists is a significant challenge. For this reason, the IFJ has long campaigned for a specific UN Convention on the Safety of Journalists. This would not create new rights, but would make international law more accessible when journalists are targeted. Adoption of such a Convention in the next few years will be of little comfort to those who have lost their lives in Gaza. It would, however, be a recognition of the service that journalists provide and the sacrifice that this often demands.

Without journalists, the people of the world would have little idea of how lives beyond their own neighborhoods are impacted by global events. Most of us may have cause to disagree with the perspectives of some or many individual journalists, but the more reporting is available to us, the more voices are heard, the better we will be able to make up our own minds about what is important. Emphasizing the international legal provisions that protect journalists will improve the safety for all – whether they work in war zones or at home alone.

The above piece is written by Tim Dawson who is the deputy general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists for Anadolu.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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A Middle East Whirlpool! View From Amman

By Saleem Ayoub Quna

Unlike the grey terrain of the Middle East, known for its harsh aridity and barren landscapes, the region’s still-unsettled, multi-front conflicts that erupted after the 7 October, 2023 surprise Palestinian assault on Israeli settlements around Gaza Strip, almost literally, become associated in the public imagination with the colour blue: The sea, its waves, its vessels and its strategic waterways.

The Palestinians called that watershed event Al-Aqsa Flood. Israel described 7 October as a second Holocaust. If the Palestinians deliberately chose the word flood for its religious and symbolic connotations, the Israeli way of describing it, indicated how serious and tough their losses and injuries were.

What followed was a succession of milestones and unprecedented developments across the Middle East. They continue to unfold dramatically, resembling the abrupt and unpredictable movements of hurricanes and tempests on the high seas.

Yet the side-conflicts and mini-wars that followed 7 October have neither followed a single pattern nor obeyed the same rules. Instead, events have moved in different, sometimes opposing directions — unlike the orderly circular motion of an actual whirlpool. It is almost as though every confrontation has chosen a course of its own: The predictable alongside the unpredictable, the rational alongside the seemingly illogical.

It therefore takes more than intelligent guesswork or clever political analysis to determine which direction these events will ultimately take, and which may prove more dangerous — not only to the region and its inhabitants, but also to the many international powers with interests at stake.

If we were to capture the current Middle Eastern scene in a single frame, we might portray it as an extraordinary, almost unbelievable collision of man-made tides, currents and sub-currents, all moving simultaneously through one increasingly turbulent sea.

Because the first shots fired on 7th October around Gaza strip, from a Palestinian point of view, came as a last desperate call and reminder of the injustice they are suffering, they soon found their echoes in the four corners surrounding it: In south Lebanon, Yemen to the south and Iraq and Iran to the east. Even to the west, there were international sailors who belonged to the Peace Flotilla, trying to bring medicine and food to the starving children of Gaza!

One of the most significant currents emerged on Israel’s northern front.

What initially appeared to be a relatively “controlled” confrontation between Israel and Hezbollah steadily intensified until September 2024, when Israel killed the party’s leader Hassan Nasrallah. Only a few months later came another geopolitical earthquake: The collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in Damascus in December 2024.

Each development sent another powerful current through the already boiling waters of the wider Middle Eastern whirlpool.

Then came an even larger artificial wave.

In June 2025, the United States launched Operation Midnight Hammer, striking Iran’s three principal nuclear sites at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan while diplomatic efforts surrounding Iran’s nuclear programme were still underway.

Washington described the operation as an attempt to inflict decisive damage on Iran’s nuclear capabilities. Tehran responded with retaliatory action against American military interests in the Gulf.

But that was not the end of the storm.

On 28 February, 2026, the world witnessed another major escalation when the United States and Israel launched coordinated, large-scale attacks against Iran. The two allies acted jointly but gave their military campaigns different names: Washington called its operation Epic Fury, while Israel called its campaign Roaring Lion.

The strikes hit Iranian military infrastructure and senior leadership and inflicted substantial damage. Yet they failed to produce one of the most far-reaching political outcomes sought by US-Israeli advocates of the military campaign: The toppling of the Iranian regime.

And so the whirlpool continued.

Iran responded not simply through missiles and military retaliation, but by shifting the struggle towards one of the most strategically sensitive waterways on earth: The Strait of Hormuz.

Through restrictions on shipping, attacks on vessels and increasingly assertive claims over the waterway, Tehran transformed Hormuz into another major front in the confrontation. The strait — through which a substantial share of the world’s energy supplies traditionally passes — became yet another current dragging regional powers and the wider international community deeper into the turbulence.

Here, the metaphor of the whirlpool becomes more than literary.

Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Yemen, Iraq, the Red Sea, the Arabian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz are no longer easily separable theatres. Each produces currents that flow into the others. A military strike in one location generates political pressure somewhere else; an assassination changes the balance of power hundreds of kilometres away; a blocked shipping lane reverberates through global markets thousands of kilometres beyond the Middle East.

And all the while, new currents are being created faster than old ones can disappear.

What begins on the shores of Gaza does not remain in Gaza. What happens in Beirut, Damascus, Tehran or the Strait of Hormuz does not remain there either.

The Middle Eastern whirlpool has become too wide, too violent and too interconnected to contain its turbulence within the region itself.

And as it keeps spinning, its waves will continue to splash far beyond the shores of the Middle East — reaching, sooner or later, virtually every corner of the globe.

Conclusion: As long as the waters surrounding the Middle East remain crowded with warships, missiles, blockades, retaliatory strikes and the debris of foreign intervention, the region’s old whirlpool will continue to spin.

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‘No Need For Your Crocodile Tears’
  • HebaHeba
  • August 13, 2026

By Ismail Al Sharif

“I’ll say it frankly: We should have exerted more pressure on Israel to adopt a different approach in Gaza” – Jake Sullivan, National Security Advisor to ex-President Joe Biden.

A striking phenomenon is recurring in American politics: Some presidents, cabinet members, and senior officials become more outspoken in their stances toward the Israeli occupation entity after leaving office, expressing regret for decisions that contributed to the injustice inflicted upon the Palestinian people.

This may be due to their liberation from diplomatic and partisan constraints, the pressures of Zionist lobbies, and the influence of tainted money, or perhaps their consciences awaken belatedly as they feel closer to death, realizing the enormity of the injustice they participated in or condoned.

Examples of this are numerous. Among the most prominent is former US President Jimmy Carter, who, after leaving office, shifted from a traditional pro-Zionist rhetoric to criticizing the Israeli occupation and its policies. Then there is Chuck Hagel, former US Secretary of Defense, who held the United States responsible for the Zionists’ continued aggression and described their practices as terrorism— but only after his retirement, of course.

Robert Gates, the former Secretary of Defense, also criticized war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu, calling him ungrateful.

More recently, Jake Sullivan, former National Security Advisor, and Antony Blinken, Biden’s lackluster Secretary of State, joined the ranks of those who have expressed regret. Both men have blood on their hands from the blood of Palestinian children and played a shameful role in supporting the Israeli entity during one of the greatest acts of genocide in modern history.

This was revealed in a lengthy investigation published in The New Yorker magazine last 20th July, titled “How Biden Enabled Israel’s Aggression Against Gaza – and Iran,” with the subtitle: “Top officials from the previous Administration now express regret over their failure to rein in Netanyahu.”

However, this regret will not absolve them for they knew full well that the Zionists were committing genocide in Gaza. On 5 March, 2024, five months after the start of the genocide, Mirjana Spoljarić, president of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), sent a confidential letter to President Biden. The ICRC, in addition to its humanitarian mission, is obligated under the Geneva Conventions to provide states with information and advice to help them avoid committing war crimes.

In her letter, Spoljarić reminded President Biden that the organization had condemned the “horrific” massacre perpetrated by Hamas against Israelis on 7 October 2023 and that it had continued to press the movement “tirelessly” for the release of the “hostages” it was holding.

However, this time she appealed to Biden with “grave concern,” warning that Israel, which had continued to bombard Gaza with heavy munitions since that October, was ignoring the ICRC in an unprecedented manner.

In her letter, she wrote: “The way Israel conducts hostilities is inconsistent with the laws of armed conflict, particularly the obligations to protect civilians, to distinguish between military objectives on the one hand and civilians and civilian infrastructure on the other, to ensure the humane treatment of detainees and the dead, to protect medical facilities and personnel, and to provide and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid.”

Despite these clear warnings, the United States remained a key partner in the genocide, providing weapons, money, and political and international cover to Israel. And now some of its officials come to shed crocodile tears for the children of Gaza!

I say to them: You have no right to repent now, after all these martyrs, after all these tragedies, to say: “We are sorry, we made a mistake.” You knew, and you had the power to pressure and prevent, but you chose to support, arm, and cover up. You bear the burden of what happened, and the blood of the children of Gaza will haunt you and pursue your names to the dustbin of history.

This piece by Ismail Al Sharif was originally published in the Arabic Addustour daily and reprinted in English in Crossfirearabia.com.

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