Jerusalem Signs: Identity and Political Power

At a recent lecture hosted by the Council for British Research in the Levant (CBRL), Yasir Suleiman, professor of Modern Arabic Studies at the University of Cambridge guided the audience through the intricate linguistic landscape of Jerusalem. Exploring the Holy City’s street signs, Suleiman revealed how these seemingly mundane markers act as silent witnesses to history and power struggles, charting the evolution of identity and conflict in the region. 

“Language is important, not because it gives you information, but because it stands for something that is beyond language,” Suleiman explained. “Road signs, anywhere in the world, do tell a story. They present you with a narrative, a cultural map, a linguistic map, and a political map.”

Language Layers of Jerusalem 

Jerusalem’s street signs have long served as a battleground for identity and political power, reflecting the city’s historical transformations, from the Ottoman period through the British Mandate and into the present day. Suleiman traced this history, showing how language has shaped and been shaped by competing claims over the city’s public space. 

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Before the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1917, Jerusalem’s signs prominently featured Ottoman Turkish (written in Arabic script) alongside English and occasionally French. Hebrew was largely absent. For instance, an original 1892 sign at the Jerusalem-Jaffa train station displayed the name of “Jerusalem” in English and Ottoman Turkish, with Hebrew was only added post-1948. 

This marked a time when Hebrew was largely absent from Jerusalem’s linguistic landscape, reflecting its limited presence in the population’s daily life, while Arabic script was present, but the Arabic language itself was absent.

However, the rise of the Zionist movement sought to change this, prioritising Hebrew revival as a cornerstone of its political and cultural agenda. 

Three Languages, One Hierarchy

Under British Mandate, it was decided that English, Arabic and Hebrew were all required on street signs. Yet, their arrangement revealed the prevailing power dynamics: English appeared at the top, Arabic in the middle, and Hebrew at the bottom, as stipulated by British authorities. 

This vertical hierarchy symbolised the ruling power, with English taking precedence and Arabic reflecting the majority population (around 90% of the people in Palestine were Arabic-speakers, including the Jews and Christians). Hebrew’s lower placement underscored its marginal status at the time. 

The Zionist movement, unhappy with this arrangement, lobbied for horizontal signs, where all three languages appeared side-by-side. Even so, Arabic retained a visual advantage because its right-to-left orientation naturally positioned it above Hebrew in terms of linguistic flow, as any right-to-left script placed on the right takes visual precedence over one positioned on the left.

Three Languages, Three Names

Suleiman highlighted how different languages on street signs often tell different stories about the same location. For instance, the famous Damascus Gate is labelled in Arabic “Bab el-’Amoud,” referencing Roman pillars in the area, while in Hebrew, it is called “Bab Nablus,” acknowledging Nablus’s religious significance for Jews, and in English, it is “Damascus Gate,” reflecting the trade connexions to the Syrian capital. Each language offers a distinct historical or cultural claim to the place, underscoring the city’s layered identity. 

Three languages, Two Boxes

The 1948-1967 Jordanian control of Jerusalem brought changes to Jerusalem’s signs. With almost no Jewish presence within the Old City’s walls, the Jordanian authorities only put street signs in Arabic and English. 

Arabic was placed above English, with the English text mirroring the Arabic perfectly (e.g., “Al-Malak Road”). This reflected a shift in status: English was no longer the language of the ruling power but had become merely a lingua franca, while Arabic took precedence as the dominant language.

However, after the Israelis occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, the linguistic order shifted again. New signs were introduced, with Hebrew taking the top position, symbolising Israeli sovereignty. Arabic and English were relegated below it, marking a significant reordering of visual and political priorities. 

By 1980, when the Israeli Knesset declared Jerusalem the capital of Israel, the street signs further evolved to reflect political realities. A single box now contained all three languages, with Hebrew firmly at the top. Arabic began to diminish in influence, with English morphology increasingly aligning with Hebrew rather than Arabic conventions. For instance, “Ha-Malak Road” replaced “Al-Malak Road,” subtly asserting Hebrew’s dominance over Arabic. 

Signs of Power

This dynamic became even more pronounced in 2018 when the Israeli Knesset stripped Arabic of its status as an official language. On modern street signs like “Nablus Road,” Hebrew now appears on top of the three languages and often in its fully pointed form, a form traditionally reserved for sacred texts, emphasising its elevated status in Israel’s narrative of Jerusalem. 

Suleiman underscored how Jerusalem’s street signs are not just tools for navigation, they are symbols of power. “These signs are not about informing you where you are, they tell you who owns the place, who calls the shots.”

Street signs of Jerusalem have become a linguistic archaeology, with layers of history etched into their evolving forms. From the Ottoman period to the present day, they quietly tell the story of a city at the centre of competing claims over its identity. 

This article was written by Sophie Constantin and appeared in the Jordan Times

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Top Writer Says ‘No’ to Berlinale

Top Indian writer Arundhati Roy has pulled out of the Berlin International Film Festival (Berlinale) after criticizing “unconscionable statements” by members of the festival jury, who said that art should not be political when asked about the Israeli genocide in Gaza.

Roy had been scheduled to attend a screening of her 1989 film In Which Annie Gives It Those Ones in the Classics section of Berlinale 2026.

In a strongly worded statement, Roy said the selection of the film had initially filled her with warmth and nostalgia. She noted that she had long felt disturbed by the positions of the German government and several cultural institutions on Palestine. Still, she said she had consistently received solidarity from German audiences when speaking about Gaza, which encouraged her to consider attending the festival.

However, Roy said she changed her decision after hearing comments from members of the Berlinale jury earlier that day.

“Like millions of people across the world, I heard the unconscionable statements made by members of the jury of the Berlin film festival when they were asked to comment about the genocide in Gaza,” Roy wrote.

She described labeling the genocide a political issue then insisting that art should remain separate from politics as “jaw-dropping.” She added that such framing shuts down urgent conversations about a crime against humanity.

Roy stated clearly in her message that she believes events in Gaza amount to genocide against Palestinians by Israel. She further added that the United States and Germany, along with several European governments, support and fund Israel and therefore share responsibility.

“If the greatest film makers and artists of our time cannot stand up and say so, they should know that history will judge them,” she wrote, adding that she felt “shocked and disgusted.”

Roy concluded her statement by confirming that, “with deep regret,” she would not attend the Berlinale.

The controversy emerged after journalists asked Berlinale jury members to comment on the genocide in Gaza and Germany’s support for Israel, which also funds the festival.

Polish producer Ewa Puszczyńska, a member of the jury, refused to answer.

“There are many other wars where genocide is committed, and we do not talk about that,” Puszczyńska said. She described the issue as “complex” and claimed that it was unfair to ask jury members to comment on government policies.

Roy’s withdrawal adds to rising tensions within European cultural spaces over the Israeli genocide in Gaza. Artists, writers, and filmmakers have increasingly debated whether cultural platforms should take political positions. – Quds News Network

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Gaza Radio Station Returns to The Airwaves

Broadcaster Rami Al-Sharafi works on a laptop inside the damaged Zaman FM radio station building in Gaza, marking what may seem an unlikely return to the airwaves amid the rubble of the deadly two-year Israel-Hamas war.

While 23 local radio stations were operating in Gaza before the conflict erupted, they were all destroyed and ceased broadcasting, he told UN News.

“Today, we are the only radio station broadcasting on FM from within Gaza after this widespread destruction,” he said. “We hope that other local radio stations will resume broadcasting, thus allowing competition in providing media services to the people of the Gaza Strip.”

Ahead of World Radio Day, observed on 13 February, the resumption of broadcasting comes at a time when Gaza’s media infrastructure still faces significant challenges amid local and international calls to support journalism as part of broader recovery and reconstruction efforts in the sector.

A journalist works at a desk in a damaged office in Gaza, viewed through broken pillars. Another person uses a laptop in the background.

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A journalist works in the damaged office of Zaman 90.60 FM radio station in Gaza City.

Digging through the rubble

After a hiatus of nearly two years due to the war, some local radio stations in the Gaza Strip are transmitting again, in a move showing gradual efforts to revive the media landscape in the war-ravaged Strip – much of which has suffered widespread destruction of infrastructure and civilian institutions from Israeli attacks.

Zaman FM operates in the Tel al-Hawa neighbourhood of Gaza City, where Israeli attacks triggered a famine and left mountains of debris in the streets.

The cracked walls of the station’s building tell a story of immense destruction and the scene inside is unlike any other radio studio in the world. 

Employees dig through the rubble to keep the station broadcasting, working with minimal technical resources while behind them, awareness posters warn people of the dangers of dilapidated buildings.

On-air messages of hope

Local radio remains vital in Gaza as humanitarian crises persist, power outages continue and access to other media remains limited. This makes radio one of the most effective ways of getting key messages out to the public, along with health guidance and information about other services.

Gaza is in dire need of professional local radio stations capable of broadcasting awareness messages and guidance bulletins in light of the spread of diseases, the deterioration of the education system and the disruption of many basic services, said Mr. Al-Sharafi, director of the radio station and host of the morning programme, An Hour of Time.

“We need to deliver information to the population and guide them to the services that have stopped and are gradually being resumed,” he said, “especially in light of the difficult health conditions and the spread of epidemics.”

Amid the destruction all around, Mr. Al-Sharafi sits behind his dust-covered microphone and does just that. 

He sends morning greetings to Gaza residents and provides them with important information and updates, bringing some much-needed hope to the airwaves across a devastated landscape that has only just begun to recover – UN News

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