How is an Extremist Marketed in Syria?

As the Syrian regime collapsed, Israel shifted its efforts towards redrawing the security geography and penetrating deeper into Syrian territory in an attempt to establish a future reality where some strategic Syrian land would remain under Israeli control and surveillance. These efforts included targeting Syria’s military infrastructure and dismantling its army’s arsenal, with the aim of creating a demilitarised Syria and rendering its geography unusable in any future equation that might target Israel.

While the world has been preoccupied with tracking the movements of the leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), Abu Mohammad al-Jolani (Ahmad al-Sharaa), his transformation in presence and rhetoric has drawn attention. This appears to be part of a strategy to market him as a suitable political option for the next stage. Despite his repeated assertions about respecting diversity within Syrian society, maintaining the country’s unity, and ensuring a democratic transition, doubts remain about HTS’s ability to translate these statements into practical action.

Al-Jolani, who currently leads the Syrian scene as a figure representing an ideological stance, may face serious challenges in accepting others, managing differences, or embracing the principle of power-sharing. His initial steps, forming a homogeneous government and attempting to dominate power, indicate a lack of a genuine strategy to address Syria’s social complexities and political legacy. The regime’s collapse may lead to significant difficulties in dealing with this legacy, both in its security and bureaucratic aspects. Such an approach could provoke expected reactions from various internal factions, such as the Druze and Kurds, or even within Idlib itself, who see this monopolisation of political decisions as a threat to their interests and future.

While simplifying al-Jolani and HTS’s rise to power by emphasising the oppressive image of the previous regime may make the Syrian scene appear clearer, the complexity of the current reality cannot be ignored. International support from the US and regional backing from Turkey may not fully guarantee a political transition, as the real challenge lies in how HTS handles extending its influence over the entirety of Syrian territory, a goal yet to be achieved. Additionally, integrating all segments of Syrian society into a national project remains nearly impossible for an ideologically driven organisation that struggles to embrace political diversity or power-sharing principles.

In recent years, the Biden administration took a notable step in Afghanistan by withdrawing and leaving the country to the Taliban, later marketed desperately as a reformed, moderate movement. Today, this phenomenon is being repeated with HTS, as promises to remove it from the terrorist list, distinguish it from other extremist groups, and present al-Jolani as a progressive, politically competent figure gain traction. However, removing HTS from the terrorist list warrants careful consideration of the potential repercussions. Most extremist groups may adopt escalation and rebellion as a primary strategy in the coming phase, particularly in their competition with each other and in their efforts to gain recognition as viable governing entities. This trend could extend beyond Syria’s borders.

Additionally, this development may reignite aspirations among Islamic parties, which retreated after the Arab Spring, to resume their pursuit of power. The symbolism of certain actions since the Syrian regime’s collapse, such as al-Jolani’s speech at the Umayyad Mosque, framing the event as a victory for the Islamic nation rather than a triumph for Syria’s opposition, and the newly appointed Prime Minister Mohammad al-Bashir delivering his first address from a Friday sermon pulpit at the same mosque, reflects an ideological agenda being marketed as the product of a political rather than religious revolution.

Political transition in Syria remains a challenging and complex process due to historical, social, economic and institutional factors. The risk of internal conflict remains significant, as many Syrian factions have yet to express their stance or acceptance of current developments. Furthermore, ceding control of their areas of influence will not be easy. The position of Daesh also remains ambiguous, with its movements since the regime’s fall unclear.

The region may be on the brink of significant repercussions resulting from what has happened and how things will develop in Syria, both politically and in terms of security. The next phase may also see Israel advancing practical measures on the ground before the Trump administration returns to the White House, including annexing areas of the West Bank, securing its borders with Lebanon and Syria, and striking farther targets which Israel considers to be fronts of Iranian influence extending from Iraq to Yemen and even inside Iran.

Dr Amer Al Sabaileh, a professor in the University of Jordan, is a columnist in The Jordan Times

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Dysfunctional Netanyahu

If all the criticism directed at Israel’s current prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, fails to unseat him, then there is something deeply troubling about Israeli democracy—it is fundamentally dysfunctional.

Netanyahu has been the most influential architect of Israel’s policies and politics since 1996, when he first became prime minister.

He has often been quoted as saying, “Israel has no negotiating partner on the Palestinian side.”

Yet, we should ask: Where is the negotiating partner on the Israeli side?

Since taking office, Netanyahu has waged wars against nearly all of Israel’s neighbours, particularly Lebanon, Gaza, the occupied West Bank, and Syria and the occasional bouts with Iraq and Iran.

If we tally all the conflicts under his leadership, they exceed ten, many of them prolonged and devastating.

The cumulative cost, both in human lives and property, is staggering—over $500 billion lost and at least 100,000 people killed.

Netanyahu has systematically violated agreements, expropriated land for illegal settlements, and sanctioned the destruction and pillaging of homes, hospitals, schools and infrastructure.

His policies have included uprooting trees, destroying livelihoods, and killing tens of thousands of civilians, including children and women.

He stands as an indicted war criminal and is currently being tried in Israeli courts on charges of bribery, fraud, and abuse of power.

Many respected Israeli voices—authors, journalists, political analysts, human rights activists, lawyers, peace advocates, as well as his political allies and adversaries—express anger and even sometimes contempt for him, criticising his deceit and betrayal.

Every time Netanyahu insisted on engaging in dialogue with the late King Hussein or King Abdullah II, shortly after his army would commit grave atrocities against Palestinian civilians in the occupied territories.

Thus creating the false impression of a sequitur relationship between the meeting and the atrocities.

He even welcomed the Israeli guard who killed two Jordanians at the Israeli embassy in Amman with open arms, celebrating him instead of subjecting him to trial, despite Jordan’s accepting the murderer’s return to Israel, out of respect for the international diplomatic protocols.

Why does Netanyahu continue to act with such impunity? His actions appear to be deeply influenced by the ideology of his father, Benzion Netanyahu.

Born in Warsaw, Poland, Benzion served as the secretary and close aide to Ze’ev Jabotinsky, who instilled in him—and later his son Benjamin—the principles of revisionist Zionism.

It is exceedingly difficult to make peace with the proponents of the maximalist and revisionist branch of Zionism, which was established by the extremist Abba Ahimeir.

Although Benzion was a historian specializing in the history of Jews In Spain—a history rich with examples of tolerance and coexistence between Muslims and Jews under Islamic rule—he chose to become a disciple and propagator of revisionist Zionism. He became a staunch spokesperson for this ideology in the United States.

To better understand the radicalisation of Netanyahu and his father, one need look no further than the statements made by their mentor, Jabotinsky.

The following quotes are sourced from betarus.org, a well-known Zionist website:

1.“We, the Zionists, all applaud, day and night, the iron wall.”

This is the same iron wall that neo-historian Avi Shlaim described as being created to hammer Arab heads against, until they agree to Zionist claims to their lands.

2.“We hold that Zionism is moral and just, and since it is moral and just, [that means] justice must be done, regardless of whether Joseph, Simon, Ivan, or Ahmet (Ahmad) agree with it or not.”

3.Finally, Jabotinsky declared, “We were not created in order to teach morals and manners to our enemies. We want to hit back at anyone who harms us—only someone who can hate his enemies can be a faithful friend to those who love him.”

With sentiments like these, what chances does a serious, just, and lasting peace—or perhaps any peace at all—have?

Dr Jawad Al Anani, a former Jordanian government minister, contributed this piece to The Jordan Times.

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Fragmented Arab Nation May Yet Rise!

Dr. Saad Naji Jawad

The Arab nation has never lost its compass as it is doing so these days. It has never gone through such a state of disintegration, despair and inability to do anything since the World War I, and be satisfied with everything that others are doing to it.

If we go back in history when Britain and France occupied the Arab nation and divided it in the way we see it now, we will find that the spirit of revolution, liberation, love of independence and rejection of direct and indirect colonialism remained glowing within its societies.

Many national movements succeeded in obtaining independence, even if it was nominal, and some liberation movements succeeded in revolting against colonialism and expelling it from their lands. Then the Arab countries that gained their independence stood by those that were still struggling for that goal. When some Arab governments stood by the tripartite aggression against Egypt, demonstrations filled the streets, and the popular tide succeeded in toppling some of those regimes.

The same thing happened after the outbreak of the Algerian revolution, where all the masses of the nation and its independent countries stood by until it succeeded in achieving complete independence from French colonialism.

After the Bandung Conference (Asian-African Solidarity Conference 1955), which was the nucleus of the Non-Aligned Movement (1961) in the shadow of the Cold War, the late Gamal Abdel Nasser succeeded in leading the nation to a position that was taken into account, and the bloc was able to force the two world powers to respect the point of view of the movement’s members and supported the independence of most Asian and African countries. Some Arab capitals, Cairo in particular, became the headquarters and refuge for all Asian and African liberation movements.

Alarm bells

Indeed, that stage set the alarm bells ringing in Western countries about the possibility of the Arab homeland becoming an influential force in the regional and international arenas with its wealth. It is no exaggeration to say the entity that Western countries created in Palestine, the heart of the Arab homeland, was the one that activated this bell and kept its voice constantly loud.

This entity felt that its existence, which passed with the approval and submission of the Arab regimes that were groaning under colonial rule, and its attempts to expand beyond the area granted to it by the United Nations in the partition resolution in 1947, became clearly threatened, especially after the emergence of national regimes that rejected its existence.

This feeling increased when Nasser’s Egypt, with Syrian support, adopted the armed Palestinian resistance in Gaza and the West Bank since the mid-1950s, and other Arab countries followed suit after the 1967 setback.

Hence the decision to work to stifle any Arab renaissance project that could stand in the way of Zionist ambitions with American-British-European support was made. This decision was translated into two wars, the first of which failed (Suez and the tripartite aggression of 1956), and the second succeeded greatly (June 1967).

This introduction should not make us overlook the fact that those who helped the Israeli-American-British plan succeed were the Arab regimes and governments, which despite the national intentions of some of them, failed to create democratic institutions and societies that stand behind the regimes and support them.

Isolated regimes

Rather, it can be said these regimes isolated themselves with their oppressive policies, which they naively justified as necessary to protect revolutions and national experiences from foreign conspiracies. This is why a schism occurred between the peoples and their rulers.

This gap widened when the majority of citizens in all Arab countries felt marginalized and had no say in what was happening.  They participated in wars against their will, were forced to suffer defeats against their will, and accepted agreements that had no interest for them or their future generations. Most of them found themselves, and still are, living below the poverty line, while their wealth went into the pockets of the corrupt and the rulers.

The same failure befell other leaders who possessed enormous wealth. Instead of harnessing this wealth to build an economic, industrial, cultural, and agricultural renaissance in all Arab countries, they put all this enormous potential in the service of the American-Zionist project that aims to dismantle the Arab homeland, believing that this project is the one that will protect them and keep them in power.

These parties spent hundreds of billions of dollars to support civil wars within the Arab homeland, at a time when a small percentage of this money would have been enough to create an economic, cultural, and social renaissance in all Arab countries.

What is happening in our Arab region today is a path that began in 2003, then moved to most Arab countries (under the name of the Arab Spring), and resulted in the destruction of Libya, Syria and Yemen, then moved after the Al-Aqsa Flood to Palestine, to Gaza, then Lebanon and last but not least in Syria, where Israel and the United States were able to achieve easy victories they did not deserve.

Terrified

This even included the right-wing axis that normalizes and satisfied with Israeli expansion, which was terrified by what is happening. The problem is that people’s memories are narrow, weak and sometimes non-existent. What is happening now in Syria in particular happened twice in Iraq in 2003 and after, and in 2014 after the invasion of the terrorist ISIS gangs.

The result of both operations was catastrophic by all standards.

However, there are those who still support what America and Israel are doing and seek their help and obey them. A not insignificant group, including this writer, believe that the basis of the current disaster is the failure to activate the principle of (unity of arenas) after the launch of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation.

Perhaps there is no benefit to be gained from discussing such a topic with those who are driven by sectarian and racist fanaticism, or driven by narrow and limited interests and painful personal experiences (this is if we assume good intentions and the absence of suspicious connections), as all of these people cannot look at or discuss matters from the perspective of the supreme national interest.

Turkish ambitions

Perhaps one of the most difficult roles to explain to some is that played by Turkey, not only practically, but also in terms of its future intentions that harbor ill intentions for this nation, including talk in Istanbul and by official bodies about (the necessity of restoring Aleppo and then Mosul and annexing them to Turkey), then wrapping this up with honeyed words about (preserving the unity of Syrian territory).

Today, Turkish activity has extended to the Horn of Africa region, where it has succeeded in achieving an important historical reconciliation between Somalia and Ethiopia, a reconciliation that ultimately serves Addis Ababa and its policy, driven by Israel, in thirsting Egypt and depriving it of a large percentage of the Nile waters with the resulting major effects.

In other words, the destructive and fragmentation plan has begun to move to Egypt. Turkey has previously tried a strategy of destabilizing neighboring Arab countries, and that policy backfired, but it seems that it is not only the Arabs who are characterized by weak memories and failure to learn from experiences.

Yes, the Arab nation today lives on the edge of disaster, and it is threatened with fragmentation more than it is fragmented now, and what is more painful is that the occupying state, which was standing on the brink of a major defeat for itself and its expansionist settlement project, is today achieving, with American and Turkish support, and a cynical Russian, Iranian and official Arab position, a victory that it did not dream of.

It is not unlikely that after Trump comes to power, this will not only be strengthened, but new Arab countries will be forced to accept it, and it may even reach the point of forcing the International Criminal Court to withdraw the arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Galant, and the matter may extend to the International Court of Justice and prevent it from issuing a ruling on the genocide committed by the occupation in Gaza.

This bleak picture is only alleviated by the continuation of the resistance in Gaza despite everything that has happened and is happening, and the low state in which the occupying entity has fallen in the eyes of the world, especially the West, and the increasing boycott operations against it and its being considered a pariah and rogue regime.

The Arab nation has accustomed us to succeeding in difficult times in rising from the ashes and achieving victories despite all the setbacks. Perhaps such a thing now requires a period of time that is not short, but in the end this is what will happen at the hands of generations that have not rejected humiliation, subordination and the promotion of divisions.

And hope for this cannot be cut off no matter how long it takes. We have no choice but to take as an example of what was stated in the Holy Quran in the Battle of the Trench when the Muslims reached an unprecedented state of despair until the noble verse was revealed: In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful “Or do you think that you will enter Paradise while such [trial] has not yet come to you as it came to those who passed on before you? They were touched by poverty and hardship and were shaken until the Messenger and those who believed with him said, “When is the victory of Allah?” Unquestionably, the victory of Allah is near.”  God’s words are the truth.

The writer is an Iraqi academic who contributed this piece to Al Rai Al Youm

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‘Arab Spring’ Continues Withering

By Saleem Ayoub Quna

After December 2010 when a desperate and angry Tunisian young man of the name of Mohammad Bouazizi, dramatically immolated himself, an unprecedented wave of mass protests against incumbent totalitarian regimes swept five Arab capitals: Tunisia, Cairo, Tripoli, Yemen and Damascus.

The simultaneous civic uprising in these countries was deceitfully baptized as the “Arab Spring”, which initially won the hearts of millions of Arabs. But it did not take long before the average Arab citizen started realizing that it was one thing to get rid of a dictator or topple a regime, and completely another thing to have a plan for the day after!

It was the same course of events in the five capitals except for Tunisia: Street demonstrations, clashes with police, havoc and death, under the watchful eyes of disguised outside interference and finally a forced humiliating departure, imprisonment or execution of the incumbent ruler and his entourage.

In Tunisia, the military sat on the fence! Consequently, the violence and loss of life was minimal there, while in the other four countries the toll was higher and kept rising until the end.

The last leg of the fake “Arab Spring” was Syria, where the clashes between the forces of the regime and the opposition groups, mostly of Islamic orientation, dragged on and gradually turned into open urban warfare.

Syria’s distorted model of the “Arab Spring” took nearly 14 years, simply because the regime, at a certain crucial turning point in 2015, resorted to outside direct support, namely from Russia, Iran and Hezbollah.

Opposition groups in Syria and their sympathizers never forgot or forgave the brutal crackdown they were subjected to in the city of Hama back in 1982 by the Hafez Al-Assad’s regime.

Of course Russian, Iranian and Hezbollah’s response to help Assad’s regime in 2015, was not an act of charity. Each party had their own agenda and motivations; Iran sought to ascertain its regional clout, while continuing to arm Hezbollah in Lebanon through Syria and Iraq; Russia wanted to strengthen its foothold in Syria in a move to counter balance American encroaching measures in northern-eastern Syria, the oil rich land, where the latter supported the local Kurdish population.

Hezbollah was paying back the debt for the Syrian regime that facilitated the transfer of Iranian military hardware.

Today, Syrians are celebrating the end of the 53rd year of the rule of the Assad dynasty, except, maybe by a handful of them. As the saying goes: Loss and defeat are born orphans; victory and success gets many adopters!

The Syrian groups who took over from the previous regime are multiple in number and diverse in outlook; like an art work of a mosaic, from a distance, it looks picturesque and colorful, but from within and in detail, it clearly lacks coherence and chemistry.

As things stand now in Syria and its surroundings, there is not much room for optimism, despite the big change! Many outside players are gossiping about the future of this beleaguered country in ways that reveal that what they are doing is more than gossiping. They are working on concrete ideas and plans for the day after in Syria while, during the coffee breaks, they watch those who are dancing and chanting in the squares and streets of Damascus!

This opinion was especially written for Crossfire Arabia by Saleem Ayoub Quna who is a Jordanian author writing on local, regional and international affairs and has two books published. He has a BA in English Literature from Jordan University, a diploma from Paris and an MA from Johns Hopkins University in Washington. He also has working knowledge of French and German.

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Israel Must Not Meddle in Syria

By Ali Nasser Mohammed

Arab history witnessed the rise and fall of states. This was most notably the Umayyad state, taking Damascus as its capital and from there on reaching Andalusia. It finally collapsed at the hands of its Abbasid oppressors, who moved the seat of the Umayyad caliphate to Baghdad as lead by Abu al-Abbas al-Saffah.

The Abbasids inturn did not learn from the lessons of the Umayyads and do away with the struggles between themselves until their Arab feature faded and dominated by the Seljuks until the arrival of Saladin, who led the Battle of Hattin in 1187 and broke the power of the Crusaders. After this victory, Saladin regained Jerusalem.

What is happening in the occupied Gaza Strip and the West Bank, Lebanon and Syria is not the last. Today, and now, Israel occupying Mount Hermon and the buffer zone despite an international decision and a 1974 agreement, proving the chain of Zionist expansion and foreign interference in Arab affairs to weaken and subjugate them one after the other.

As for the extended past, Syria rejected normalization according to Israeli whims and strategic interests that may be achieved after the earthquake of 8 December, 2024.

During my meeting with the late President Hafez al-Assad, his attention was drawn to a large copper plaque hanging on the wall of his office depicting the Battle of Hattin. He said: “The Arabs fought the Crusaders for more than 100 years until they expelled them from Jerusalem and other Arab countries, and that the fate of Israel will be like the fate of the Crusades.”

He then spoke about an offer made to him by the also late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, which included withdrawing from the Golan while keeping Lake Tiberias, which he said the Israelis “like to wet their feet in its waters,” in exchange for recognizing the Zionist entity. Al Assad rejected this offer and stressed that the Israeli flag would not be raised in the skies of Damascus except by establishing a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital.

Israel incursions

The Golan, which Hafez al-Assad refused to be a deal at the expense of the Palestinian cause, today witnesses an incursion by the Zionist enemy into its buffer zone at the ceasefire line and the enemy’s prime minister’s renewed declaration that the Golan Heights will remain Israeli forever.

Not content with that, Israel launched more than 480 raids that destroyed military sites, strategic weapons depots, surface-to-air missiles, fighter jet squadrons, dozens of helicopters, airports, air defense batteries, and the military infrastructure of the Syrian army, which was founded on 1 August, 1946. At the same time, the Israeli navy carried out large-scale strikes to destroy the Syrian naval fleet, including coastal defense systems and ships containing sea-to-sea missiles.

What is shameful for both the Syrian and Arab sides is that paralyzing the role of the Syrian army does not serve the interests of Syria and the Arab nation, its security, dignity, and national role. The army was actually dissolved without a declared decision, as happened in occupied Iraq in 2003 by America, which made it easy for Israel to achieve a golden goal that it had never dreamed of.

These strategic national gains belong to the Syrian people, not to any regime, regardless of its identity, and they are irreplaceable, which requires the Syrian people and their new government to be deeply aware of the ambitions of the Zionist entity and its allies in the region, which have no end unless Syria’s security and sovereignty are not a priority. Therefore, it has become necessary to work quickly and seriously to preserve what remains of the military establishment, which was and still is the pillar of Syrian power and which has no alternative unless foreign agendas hide something else.

Syria’s recovery from its deep wounds and its strong and majestic return to the Arab arena, in a manner befitting its Arab role and national interests, requires distinguishing the enemy from the friend and clinging to the national interest in addition to unity of ranks, overcoming divisions and the short-sighted policy of revenge.

Our history teaches us that major challenges can only be faced by the will of a unified people and a conscious leadership that realizes that Syria’s strength is a guarantee for the stability of its people and the region and for repelling any aggressive projects that threaten its present and future and the future of the Arab nation.

Today, this nation is in dire need of an Arab project to get it out of the circle of conflicts, wars and sectarianism that undermines the rights of others to draw a better future for the present and the future.

However, this requires vision, will, and insightful and patriotic leadership. Otherwise, Syria and the Arabs will enter a phase of decline, fragmentation and civil wars, and no one will escape this fate from the ocean to the Gulf.

We hope that the Syrian people, who are looking forward to their freedom, independence and sovereignty, will overcome this difficult historical stage in the life of the Syrian state and will be able to achieve their aspirations at the hands of their sons and youth. This is what the Syrian people, with their history and civilization extending deep into history, have accustomed us to.

The writer is a former President of South Yemen before the country was united in 1990.  He wrote this article for the Arabic Al Rai Alyoum

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Syria: 10 Days That Shook The World

Dr Khairi Janbek

Without much ado, the western media is currently preoccupied with this question: Are the Syrian rebels Jihadis? This is while the Arab media appears to be in a state of euphoria about the Syrian rebels seen as liberators. The issue however is about two perspectives, the first being cautious about the next phase for the country, and this is for understandable reasons, while the second reflects optimism for the next stage and also for understandable reasons.

Now, the fear of dividing Syria on ethnic and sectarian grounds has its blueprint in the colonial history of Syria and certainly not a product of today and/or creative chaos utterances.

Looking back

In fact, on 1 July, 1922, the French colonial authorities divided Syria into federal statelets: statelet of Damascus, statelet of Aleppo, statelet of the Alawites, and the statelet of the Druze. Of course, the idea was that the country would be easier to rule and a regional and a sectarian balance would guarantee political stability. Of course, the Kurds were outside this formula as they were struggling to create an independent state of their own.

But what about Syria now, to paraphrase John Reed, after the 10 days that shook the world. Indeed, the two regional police stations in the region, Turkey and Israel seems to be gaining major influence in the current affairs, while the third police station, Iran, has lost out in this formula.

Rivalry

For all intents and purposes, no one is naive enough to think that the march towards Damascus could have occurred without Turkish support, and the Israeli foreign minister has confirmed that talks were held between his government and the Druze as well as the Kurds of Syria, whom he described as having good relations with them.

But what about the Russians? One would venture to say that they are like to stay in Syria as most probably, paying guests of the new Syrian government, renting their military installations from them.

Undoubtedly, no matter how much we can be optimistic about the future of all-inclusive democratic Syria, we will always reluctantly fall back on our cognitive dissonance regarding the case of Iraq, and make the mistake of comparison with the post-Saddam era of terrorism, sectarianism an ethnic strife.

This is simply because, we forget that in Iraq there was superpower which brought down the regime and destroyed all the functioning institutions of the country favoring when religious Islamic sect over another, and supporting one ethnicity against others. While in Syria, its the Syrians themselves brought down the Ba’ath regime.

On the face of it, the rebels don’t seem to want to be the new masters of Syria and they are working very hard to protect and preserve the functioning institutions of the country, and claim their adherence to pluralism and for an all inclusive new regime.

But two important questions remain outstanding, and only time will tell how these will unfold: To what extent will there be Turkish and Israeli influence on the emerging regime, and more importantly, what would be the share of those two police stations of the country?

In other words, how will Turkey perceive the future of the Kurds in Syria, and where does Israel see its border posts with the “new” Syria?

In all likelihood, the rebels will keep their word of wanting a stable pluralist Syria, but let us not forget also, that a future spark of ethnic, regional or sectarian conflict, will very likely turn all into extremists in the country.

Dr Khairi Janbek is Jordanian commentator based in Paris.

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Syria on Deluge For Arab ‘Regime Change’

In less than a week, the Bashar al-Assad regime and that of this family fell, an era that lasted for more than half a century came to an end.

There is no room here to talk about that era, but the end was expected for a long time, as dictatorial regimes or family-based dynasties must end, just as happened to Hosni Mubarak, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Ali Abdullah Saleh and others.

Hours before the fall of Al Assad, I called on Arab rulers to reconcile with their people before the flood comes rushing through. And now the flood has begun to rage from Damascus, and I believe, it will not stop.

It will inevitably sweep away other rulers of this era who accepted humiliation, disgrace, betrayal and throwing themselves into the arms of Tel Aviv, Washington and other capitals of crime.

What happened recently in Syria will be a prelude to the other Arab peoples. I feel very optimistic, and I believe we are facing radical changes that will affect the Arab world, and I do not know who will be the next ruler to be swept away by this deluge?

Thanks to the Al-Aqsa flood that exposed, revealed and disgraced many of the treasonous and collaborating regimes in our Arab world.

This flood will be followed by a flood of another kind, which will sweep away with it every slacker, and everyone who betrayed and conspired against Palestine, its resistance and its people, and threw himself into the arms of the criminal West, and ignored what is happening in Gaza, which will be, God willing, the main reason for uprooting many of the apostate Zionist regimes.

The majority of the Arab peoples are now yearning for change, and even salvation from injustice and oppression, and I do not believe that the Arab situation will continue in this way, and the Syrian situation will constitute an important factor for the peoples to pounce and revolt against rulers who are certainly not of the Arab caliber, and I am certain that this will not last long.

Many of the Arab rulers are feeling their heads today, and perhaps they are working on reconsidering their calculations if they can, and they realize that when the people have their say, the end of the regime will be inevitable.

So will these people learn from what happened recently in Damascus? The wise man is is the one who learns from others. Who will be the next ruler who will follow Mr. Al Assad?

Whoever has the answer, let him tell us, and he will have a great prize presented by the poor servant who wrote this article, which is a kiss on his forehead, and kisses on the foreheads of all the free revolutionaries of the nation, and at the forefront of the heroic revolutionaries of Gaza.

This article was written by Palestinian writer Dr Mohammad Abu Baker for Al Rai Al Youm in Arabic and reprinted in www.crossfirearabia.com

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What Next For Moscow After Fall of Damascus

Events are rapidly unfolding before after the fall of the Syrian capital, Damascus, into the hands of the armed opposition forces that entered it without resistance because the Syrian army, under orders from its supreme commander, decided not to resort to bloody confrontations to prevent bloodshed and accept defeat in the face of a tripartite aggression well-planned in the dark rooms of Washington, Ankara and Tel Aviv.

The Russian authorities’ announcement, Sunday, of the arrival of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his family to Moscow and granting them political asylum, confirms that the sudden developments currently taking place may be the tip of the iceberg.

There may be many surprises to come on all levels, as Syria is a jungle of weapons, and it is unlikely that the sudden surrender is just a maneuver, just like what happened in Iraq after the collapse of the Iraqi army in the face of the American invasion, and the goal now is to reposition, bow to the storm, and prepare to resist the occupation.

https://twitter.com/abdelbariatwan/status/1865843698195378221

The fall of Damascus is a fatal stab to Russia and its leadership, which the new authority in Syria has no affection for, and sees it as a strategic partner of the isolated Syrian regime. Its warplanes have not stopped bombing Idlib, Aleppo, Hama and Homs, and this Russian airstrike played a major role in the Syrian Arab Army regaining most of the cities and villages that were seized by the opposition forces supported by America, Europe and Turkey.

We do not know what President Bashar al-Assad’s plans are in the coming period. Will he resort to calm and withdraw from political work, in compliance with the conditions of political asylum, or will he make Moscow a base to manage a resistance that he will form and lead from his new exile.

News circulated in the past few days that countries supporting the deposed Syrian president, led by Russia, suggested he form a government in exile to confirm his non-recognition of the new government that may be formed in the coming few days to run the country, avoid a political vacuum, and prepare for holding general elections.

We do not know the extent of the accuracy of this news, and perhaps it is too early to try to extrapolate what events are coming in Syria, as only one day has passed since the fall of Damascus and President Assad’s flight to Moscow and his granting of political asylum.

However, what can be pointed out is that the picture seems blurry in Syria at the present time, as Damascus and the major Syrian cities have been exposed to a war led by armed Syrian opposition factions on behalf of America, Turkey and other Arab countries, unlike the direct American war in Iraq in 2003, in which more than 160,000 American soldiers participated, and Paul Bremer was installed as military governor of Iraq in a transitional phase.

Unfortunately, we can’t disagree with Benjamin Netanyahu when he said: “The fall of Damascus and the collapse of the ruling regime there is considered a historic day and a great victory for Israel.”

Damascus is the crown jewel of the axis of resistance, the main supporter of the Palestinian cause, and the stubborn opponent of normalization. The question remains: Will Netanyahu’s celebrations of this fall last long? We leave the answer to the coming days and months.

Abdel Bari Atwan is the Chief Editor of Al Rai Al Youm

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‘New’ Syria: What Next For The Region

The swift fall of several Syrian cities, with little to no resistance from the Syrian regime or its allies, especially Russia, has drawn significant attention. Moscow’s inaction to prevent these rapid territorial advances underscores the shifting dynamics of the Syrian conflict.

Several factors must be considered to assess this new phase in Syria. The current developments are not merely a continuation of the initial Syrian conflict but reflect broader regional implications in the post-October 7 landscape. Israel’s strategy of “fragmenting fronts” as a counter to the concept of their unity has rendered Syria’s geographic arena an inevitable next focus. Although Syria has long been targeted by airstrikes, missile attacks, and assassinations, the current escalation coincides with the temporary pause in the conflict in Lebanon.

Syria’s geography serves as the logistical backbone for Iranian-aligned forces, including Hezbollah, making it a critical component in the regional equation. The ignition of the Syrian front aligns with Israel’s objective to disrupt the logistical corridor connecting Tehran and Beirut and secure its own strategic perimeter. 

This latest shift on the ground in Syria complicates an already intricate situation. Multiple factions are mobilizing to defend their interests or expand their influence amid signs of a redrawn Syrian map. Notably, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani, former leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, has garnered attention by rebranding himself under his real name, Ahmad Hussein al-Sharaa. In interviews with CNN and The New York Times, Jolani emphasized the dissolution of HTS, presenting himself as a political figure capable of engaging with international stakeholders rather than as the leader of a proscribed militant group.

Militarily, the rapid advances of fighters from Aleppo to Hama signal a looming confrontation in Homs, a pivotal city in the Syrian conflict. Homs’ strategic location connects the Syrian coast with Damascus and borders Lebanon, serving as Hezbollah’s last operational lifeline. With the cessation of hostilities in Lebanon, Hezbollah faces the challenge of regrouping for what could be an existential battle. Losing this confrontation would strip Hezbollah of its regional power and relegate it to a vulnerable position within Lebanon.

The speed of these territorial shifts reflects not only the weakened state of the Syrian army but also the neutralization of its allies. Iran, once expected to be a key supporter of both Hezbollah and the Syrian regime, finds itself constrained by a U.S.-Israeli-led blockade encompassing land, sea, and air routes. Russia, on the other hand, has displayed a largely indifferent stance, underscoring its limited capacity or willingness to intervene. The sole remaining card for Iran is the deployment of Iraqi militias to Syria, though these forces are now targets of intensified American and Israeli strikes, further diminishing Tehran’s ability to influence the battlefield. 

Israel, meanwhile, continues its strategy of reshaping regional security dynamics. After Gaza and Lebanon, it is now turning its focus to Syria. By leveraging the current chaos, Tel Aviv is positioning itself to establish new buffer zones deep inside Syrian territory, using the ongoing conflict to justify pre-emptive strikes on perceived threats.

Amid these developments, Jordan faces significant challenges along its borders with Syria and Iraq. The prolonged instability and the emergence of new players in the Syrian theatre require Jordan to maintain heightened vigilance. To mitigate potential threats, Amman must strengthen its military alliances and adopt proactive security measures. These strategies are necessary for the unpredictability of this phase and the diverse range of threats encircling Jordan’s borders.

Dr Amer Al Sabaileh is a university lecturer and a columnist for The Jordan Times

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Trump’s Mideast Utterings ‘Hot Air’

By Abdel Bari Atwan

After the private dinner hosted by Donald Trump “in honor” of Mrs. Sara Netanyahu, the US President-elect immediately threatened to set the Middle East on fire if the Israeli prisoners in the Gaza Strip tunnels, guarded by the Qassam Brigades and the Al-Quds Brigades, were not released before his return to the White House on 20 January 2025.

Trump went further when he threatened the Palestinian resistance factions with paying a heavy price if the hostages were not released, and directed his threats specifically at the leaders of the Hamas and Islamic Jihad movements.

In his first term as US President, he made many similar threats, such as destroying North Korea, subjugating China, forcing Mexico to pay the bill for the border wall to keep out immigrants, and turning Iran into another Hiroshima if it responded to the assassination of the martyrs, Qassem Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis.

Trump – an “unruly” professional liar – did not dare to carry out any of these threats, and perhaps the only threat he carried out was withdrawing from the nuclear agreement with Iran in 2017, which backfired and came as a major gift to Iran it never dreamed of, which since developed, theoretically and practically, into an unofficially declared nuclear state.

We would like to tell Trump his threats will not move a hair on the head of the smallest hungry or injured Palestinian infant in the steadfast and heroic Gaza Strip.

If his partner [Netanyahu] in the extermination war and ethnic cleansing and who used all kinds of mass destruction weapons to bomb Gaza – executed more than 45,000 martyrs, three-quarters of whom, children and women, and destroyed 95 percent of their homes – did not succeed in releasing these Israeli prisoners, despite advanced US intelligence, what does Trump have that is stronger and more effective than that?  Hitting the Gaza Strip with a nuclear bomb, as his criminal friend Senator Lindsey Graham suggests?!

The heroic Al-Qassam Brigades and Al-Quds Brigades have not submitted to all this bloody Israeli pressure and did not release the prisoners throughout the past 14 months. All the pressure and rounds of negotiations sponsored by America failed, unfortunately with Arab collusion; the USA wanted to trap Hamas and Jihad which firmly stuck to their conditions, and did not give up a single inch.

So what more can the reckless Trump do?

We need to remind Trump and draw his attention to a set of points he must have forgotten about in the midst of his euphoria on his victory over his naive and foolish opponent Kamala Harris:

First, the resistance in Gaza is still strong, ongoing, and inflicting huge and humiliating losses on the Israeli enemy and its forces, and from zero-distance, which reflects the heroism and courage of its men.  Not a single mujahid surrendered, all fought until martyrdom.

Second, there is not a single American aircraft carrier now in the Middle East and its seas, whether it is red, white or Arab, due to the blessed Yemeni missiles. It is enough to point out the attack with naval ballistic missiles that hit the carrier Abraham Lincoln a few days ago, which escaped with heavy casualties and damaged three destroyers and other ships. The day before yesterday, a Yemeni hypersonic missile struck a military base in the heart of occupied Jaffa.

Third, the brave and courageous Trump did not dare respond to the Iranian missile that shot down his largest drone in the Gulf, the “RQ-4 Global Hawk” in 2019 (costing $300 million) after it deviated from its course several meters inside Iranian territory.

Fourth, great America withdrew from Afghanistan, defeated and humiliated, a few months after Biden took power from you. We all witnessed, and the whole world at that, the great escape of American forces in a way that reflects the height of humiliation.

Trump no longer frightens anyone, and in his new version he did not dare utter a single word of criticism at Russian President Vladimir Putin, who defeated his country on the plains and coasts of Ukraine, and cut off and annexed more than 20 percent of its “territory”.

Trump did not dare utter the name of China, which was his number one enemy in his first term, and let us not forget in this haste to touch on North Korea and its leader Kim Jong-un, who humiliated and degraded him, and brought him to Hanoi and Singapore in two summit meetings, from which he returned to Washington with his head bowed.

Perhaps only some Arabs who were forced to accept the humiliating normalization and his “Deal of the Century” during his first term will be afraid of Trump and his threats. But times have changed, and there is now a major superpower called the “Axis of Resistance” with a mighty head and long, deadly arms.

Above all, there is the new, powerful BRICS organization, which will not end Trump’s second term in the White House (four years) until the US dollar exhales most of its last breath. The days lie ahead, Mr. Trump!

This is a translated piece from Arabic by Mr Abdel Bari Atwan, chief editor of Al Raialyoum website and reprinted on www.crossfirearabia.com.

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