The Mass Graves of Gaza

 Thousands of families continue to bury their children in random mass graves, a phenomenon brought on by over 11 months of systematic killings of Palestinians by Israel in every Gaza Strip governorate. The situation is worsening as a result of the Israeli occupation army’s constant targeting of people who attempt to enter these makeshift cemeteries to bury their loved ones.

Euro-Med Monitor has released an infographic design that shows the locations and dates of approximately 30 randomly established mass graves in the northern, central, and southern governorates of Gaza, containing roughly 3,000 dead victims of Israel’s genocide in the enclave. The infographic also depicts 120 random mass graves in which three or more people are buried, and which were established in the Gaza Strip between now and last October.

Random graves

Since many random graves are found inside houses and other private spaces and some are periodically moved to new locations, the majority of them are still unrecorded. Thus, the number and location of these graves remain constantly changing. Furthermore, the Israeli occupation army is continuously bulldozing both makeshift cemeteries and official graves, disfiguring the victims’ bodies, and even stealing some of them, in grave violation of international law.  

Al-Batsh Cemetery, located in Gaza City’s eastern Al-Tuffah neighbourhood, is the largest documented mass grave in the Gaza Strip. Between 500 and 1,000 people have been buried there since the cemetery’s founding on 22 October 2023, just two weeks after Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza began.

Euro-Med Monitor field teams have been documenting the mass and random graves across the enclave since the establishment of the first mass grave in Al-Shifa Medical Complex on 15 October 2023, when it became impossible to transfer the dead victims to the official cemetery in Gaza City due to the large number of corpses and the danger presented by Israeli forces. Over time, more of these mass graves have been created, one after another, eventually totaling at least 120.

backyards, courtyards

These graves have been established throughout residential areas, in the backyards and courtyards of homes and hospitals, public road intersections, wedding halls, sports fields, schools, and mosques.

“Random mass graves have become something of a phenomenon in Gaza,” according to a Euro-Med Monitor field researcher in Gaza City whose name is being withheld due to safety concerns. “They are seen on the roads, in traffic islands, [and] near markets and residential buildings at random.”

Added the researcher: “Residents resort to using various tools as tombstones to write the names of the victims on—instead of cement and stone—including plastic food trays, plastic barrels or gallon jugs, wood or cardboard, and other household items.”

Families are forced to create these random graves due to the difficulty of accessing the main graves as a result of the continuous Israeli bombing and targeting of individuals, in addition to Israel’s division of the Gaza Strip’s governorates and destruction of infrastructure; imposition of the blockade; scarcity of fuel and means of transportation; and the fact that the main graves are already filled with corpses due to the large and ever-increasing number of victims.

Some of the officially documented mass graves contain the remains of yet-to-be identified people, buried months ago during the ongoing genocide.

Euro-Med Monitor teams have documented 29 random mass graves in the various governorates of the Gaza Strip. These include:

North Gaza Governorate:

1. A mass grave in Al-Awda Market next to the Jabalia refugee camp police station, established on 5 December 2023, containing about 120 bodies.

2. A mass grave next to the Indonesian Hospital in the Tel al-Zaatar neighbourhood, north of Jabalia Camp, established on 18 November 2023, containing about 200 bodies.

3. A mass grave in the Jabalia Camp market, established on 7 December 2023, containing about 100 bodies.

4. A mass grave in the backyard of Jabalia Preparatory School (A), in Jabalia Camp, established on 28 December 2023, containing more than 55 bodies.

5. A mass grave in Al-Rifai School, opposite Al-Omari Registry in Jabalia Al-Balad, containing more than 70 bodies.

6. A mass grave in Halima Al-Sadia School, south of Jabalia Al-Nazla, containing more than 250 bodies, some of whom are still unidentified.

7. A mass grave in Al-Yaman Hospital in Jabalia Camp, established on 11 December 2023, containing about 44 bodies.

8. A mass grave built on a traffic island along Sultan Street in Block (2) in Jabalia, established in November 2023.

Gaza City Governorate:

9. A mass grave in the courtyard of Al-Shifa Medical Complex, established on 12-14 November 2023, containing approximately 179 bodies.

10. Al-Sabra Cemetery (1), established on 25 November 2023, containing more than 100 bodies.

11. Al-Istiqlal Street Cemetery (Al-Qaws) near the Al-Sha’biya intersection in Al-Daraj neighbourhood, containing more than 200 bodies.

12. Al-Sabra Cemetery (2), near Al-Dahshan Street, established on 31 December 2023.

13. Al-Batsh Cemetery in Gaza City’s eastern Al-Tuffah neighbourhood, established on 22 October 2023, containing between 500–1,000 bodies.

14. A mass grave in Al-Sahaba Street, near Ezzedine Al-Qassam Mosque in the central Gaza City neighbourhood of Al-Daraj, established in December 2023 and containing 150 bodies.

15. A mass grave in Al-Sidra Street in the central Gaza City neighbourhood of Al-Daraj, established in December 2023 and containing about 20 bodies.

16. Shahibar Cemetery in Al-Sabra neighbourhood, established on 18 November 2023 and containing about 100–120 bodies.

17. Ishtiwi Cemetery in Al-Zeitoun neighbourhood, established on 21 November 2023 and containing about 15 bodies.

18. A mass grave near Al-Shawa Square, east of Gaza City.

Deir al-Balah Governorate (central Gaza Strip):

19. A mass grave in UNRWA school in al-Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, established on 14-15 January 2024.

20. A mass grave in a girls’ preparatory school in al-Maghazi refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, established on 9 January 2024, containing approximately 14 bodies.

Khan Yunis Governorate (southern Gaza Strip):

21. A mass grave in western Khan Yunis, established on 22 November 2023, containing approximately 111 bodies.

22. A mass grave in Abdul Karim Al-Karmi School in the town of Abasan Al-Kabira, in the east of Khan Yunis, established on 14 January 2024, containing approximately 9 bodies.

23. Three mass graves in Nasser Hospital, established in January 2023, containing approximately 392 bodies.

24. A mass grave in Al-Amal Hospital, established on 29 January 2024, containing approximately 4 bodies.

25. A mass grave at Al-Aqsa University, established on 22 January 2024.

26. A mass grave at the UNRWA Industrial College, in the west of Khan Yunis, established on 23 January 2024, containing approximately 14 bodies.

27. Al-Agha Cemetery, established by the Al-Agha family on their land after the Israeli army destroyed the family’s main cemetery in the Austrian neighbourhood, west of Khan Yunis city, established on 22 January 2024.

Rafah Governorate (southern Gaza Strip):

28. A mass grave in the Tel al-Sultan neighbourhood, in the west of Rafah, established in December 2023, containing approximately 80 bodies.

Israel’s ongoing military attacks and direct targeting of Palestinian civilians by shelling, sniping, or shooting from quadcopter drones continue to prevent families from reaching regular cemeteries in which to bury their relatives in a dignified manner that respects human dignity, and make the process of counting, registering, and identifying all of the victims impossible.

Since most of the victims have not died from epidemics or infectious diseases, the accumulation of dead bodies or their improper burial does not present a serious health risk to the public. However, if the remains of these bodies—including feces—leak into residents’ drinking and use water sources, this may result in a variety of intestinal diseases among the living.

Israeli attacks on cemeteries

Since the start of Israel’s genocide in the Gaza Strip, Euro-Med Monitor teams have documented numerous Israeli attacks on dozens of cemeteries through deliberate shelling and targeting, exhuming and vandalising graves, and stealing dozens of corpses. These attacks have pushed residents to create new random cemeteries and transfer the bodies of their relatives there.

Israel’s imposition of inhumane conditions on Gaza Strip residents constitutes a serious violation of the provisions of international humanitarian law (IHL). IHL guarantees respect for the dignity of the dead and the proper treatment of corpses, especially the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which stipulates in Article 17 that conflicting parties must “take the necessary measures to ensure that the dead are buried in a dignified manner and that their honour is protected”.

The World Health Organisation and the International Committee of the Red Cross must play their role in ensuring the dignity of the bodies buried in dozens of mass graves in Gaza, and ensure their burial in accordance with international standards.

In addition to applying pressure from abroad on Israel to immediately end its genocide against the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip, the international community must compel Israel to follow international law, which stipulates that bodies must be respected and protected during armed conflicts. It also requires Israel to take all reasonable steps to prevent the dead and deceased from having their bodies mutilated, and to ensure that they are buried properly.

EuroMed Human Rights Monitor

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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