Which European States Are Arming Israel?

Many of the European countries continue to supply Israel with arms and weapons as it continues its military offensive on the Gaza Strip and in spite of the world accusation that Tel Aviv is committing genocide against the Palestinians.

Some European countries are top military suppliers, others are at the tail end but it is interesting to know that the great majority of European states sell weapons to Israel, its called the arms trade of Europe.

Anadolu compiled details of the European military sales to Israel since the outbreak of the war on Gaza after 7 October, 2023.

France, Italy and Germany, along with the United States have  accounted for 81% of the Middle East’s arms imports between 2019 and 2023, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

Israel’s military spending spiked by 24% to $27.5 billion following its attacks on Gaza. It became the second-largest arms spender in the Middle East.

From 2014 to 2022, the European Union granted export licenses to Israel worth about €6.3 billion ($6.8 billion).

These weapons are suspected to have contributed to the deaths of more than 38,000 civilians in Gaza, including 10,000 women and more than 15,000 children, the Turkish news agency states.

Although some EU countries, including Belgium, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain, decided to halt arms sales to Israel, press reports maintain this trade has somehow continued.

Key European arms suppliers

Germany remains Israel’s largest European arms supplier, providing about 30% of Israel’s imports between 2019 and 2023. In 2023. This is whilst German arms deliveries to Israel increased tenfold to €326.5 million and peaking after 7 October.

Most of France’s arms exports in 2019-2023 went to Middle East states accounting for 34% of the total French exports. Paris is known to provide parts for Israel’s missile defense system, known as the Iron Dome.

Despite laws restricting arms sales to human rights violators, Italy sold €2.1 million worth of weapons to Israel in the last quarter of 2023. Italian Defense Minister Guido Crosetto claimed there have been no new arms transfers to Israel since 7 October, although there are reports of ongoing sales by companies such as Leonardo. Italy’s export licenses to Israel between 2014 and 2022, including for warships, small arms, artillery, aircraft and ammunition, worth €114 million.

The UK issued more than £448 million ($576 million) in arms licenses to Israel since 2015. In addition, 15% of the materials used in the production of the F-35 fighter jets purchased by Israel since 2016 are supplied by British companies, according to the London-based charity Action on Armed Violence.

Spain has not reported any arms sales to Israel since 7 October, but data from November 2023 shows a transfer of ammunition worth €987,000. Between 2014 and 2022, Spain issued export licenses worth €99 million, including for ammunition and military vehicles.

Other European suppliers

The Netherlands issued €19 million in export licenses to Israel between 2014-2022, peaking at €10 million in 2022 alone. A court ruling in the country in 2024 halted exports of F-35 parts to Israel, citing the risk of violations of humanitarian law.

Despite halting arms sales, Belgium transferred €46 million in arms to Israel between 2014 and 2022, including explosives and aircraft parts.

Portugal issued more than €12.5 million in export licenses to Israel, most of it for aircraft-related materials.

Austria’s arms licenses to Israel totaled €33 million, Slovakia’s €117 million, and the Czech Republic’s arms exports totaled €127 million from 2014-2022, with recent deliveries of ballistic vests and military equipment.

Hungary’s sales exceeded €15 million, with notable contracts for the production of drones involving Israeli and German companies.

Poland’s €4.9 million in arms exports to Israel, Slovenia’s €6.1 million and Romania’s €427 million included aircraft, military vehicles and ammunition transfers.

Bulgaria’s €49 million in arms included explosives and light weapons.

Serbia’s state-owned Yugoimport-SDPR reported €14 million in arms exports to Israel in early 2024.

The total value of the 21 export licenses between Greece and Israel was recorded at €7.6 million.

Nordic, Baltic countries

Sweden issued licenses worth less than €1.3 million for weapon sights and control systems, with a significant contract with Israel’s Elbit Systems worth $170 million in late 2023.

Norwegian companies have reportedly circumvented restrictions prohibiting arms sales to conflict zones through foreign subsidiaries.

Licenses issued from Denmark to Israel are worth more than €1 million, while the issuance of licenses worth €403,000 in 2022 was the largest sale ever between the two countries. The country is facing a lawsuit from a group of non-governmental organizations over arms exports to Israel.

Finland’s €2.4 million in licenses covered electronic equipment, armor and weapon sights.

Latvia’s €5.9 million in licenses peaked at €4.1 million in 2022. Estonia and Lithuania had minimal exports of around €300,000 each, mostly small arms.

Croatia, Luxembourg, Malta, Southern Cyprus

Croatia’s €681,000 in licenses covered armaments and ammunition. Export licenses between Luxembourg and Israel amounted to approximately €671,000, while the total value of Malta’s export licenses to Israel exceeded €17.5 million.

Southern Cyprus’ licenses were worth €97,000, with alleged support for Western military logistics to Israel, the Turkish news agency pointed out.

Israel, flouting a UN Security Council resolution demanding an immediate cease-fire, has faced international condemnation amid its continued brutal offensive on Gaza since an Oct. 7, 2023 attack by the Palestinian group Hamas.

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Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Saudi Arabia Plays Host to Superpower Politics

By Maksym Skrypchenko 

Diplomatic efforts to end the Russia-Ukraine War are once again in the spotlight, as US and Russian officials meet in Saudi Arabia on Tuesday. In a sharp contrast to the previous administration’s strictly defined red-line policy, representatives from the newly formed US President Donald Trump-aligned diplomatic team—Secretary of State Marco Rubio, National Security Advisor Mike Waltz, and Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff—are set to engage with their Russian counterparts in discussions that many fear may sideline Ukraine’s own interests.

The stakes in this conflict extend far beyond territorial disputes. For Ukraine, the war is an existential struggle against an enemy with centuries of imperial ambition. Every defensive maneuver is a stand for sovereignty and self-determination. Yet recent diplomatic moves suggest that Ukraine’s central role in negotiations may be diminished. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s absence from the Saudi meeting underscores the deep-seated concern in Kyiv that their security concerns might be marginalized in a process dominated by transactional interests.

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Under the previous administration, Washington’s policy was driven by a clear set of red lines designed to deter any actions that could provoke a nuclear-armed adversary. That approach was predicated on a belief that excessive support for Ukraine might lead to a dangerous escalation. However, the new strategy, as signaled by Trump’s team, appears less encumbered by these constraints. Instead, the focus seems to have shifted toward a pragmatic resolution—a process that prioritizes ending the war at the expense of Ukraine’s moral imperatives underpinning their fight for survival. This shift represents not only a departure in tone but also in substance. While the previous policy imposed strict limitations to avoid provoking Moscow, the current approach appears more willing to concede Ukraine’s positions if it serves the broader goal of ending the fighting.

Trump’s affiliation with Saudis


The decision to hold talks in Saudi Arabia is far from arbitrary. The Saudi Kingdom provides a neutral venue and a longstanding trusted mediator especially for figures like Steve Witkoff and Donald Trump, whose longstanding business and diplomatic ties in the region are well known. This credibility is further reinforced by Saudi Arabia’s recent announcement of a $600 billion package with the US, comprising investments and procurement agreements from both public and private sectors.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia’s position outside NATO shields it from the obligations that compel Western allies to enforce international legal mandates, including the ICC arrest warrants issued against top Russian officials, notably Putin. In such an environment, Saudi Arabia offers a secure venue for direct negotiations with Moscow, free from the pressures of external legal mandates.

Meanwhile, high-ranking European officials express growing concern over their exclusion from the process. UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has even suggested the possibility of deploying British troops to enforce any resulting peace deal, a move that underscores the importance European leaders give to Ukraine’s future. The concerns are not merely about the cessation of hostilities, but about the long-term security guarantees that Ukraine desperately needs. European officials argue that a peace process that excludes Kyiv from the initial stages could lead to an agreement lacking the robust assurances necessary to prevent future Russian aggression.

Russian approach

Russia, for its part, is approaching the negotiations with its signature long-game strategy. Recent reports suggest that Kremlin officials are assembling a team of seasoned negotiators well-versed in securing maximum advantage. Their method is well known—ask for a shopping mall when all they need is a cup of coffee. Just one day before the talks, Russian diplomats are already staging a narrative of victory, asserting that the EU and the UK are entirely non-negotiable parties to any future agreements on Ukraine. According to the Russian representative at the UN, Ukraine has irretrievably lost key territories, and any new arrangement should force Kyiv into accepting a demilitarized, neutral state determined by future elections. This approach is designed to create the illusion of strength while ultimately settling for concessions that heavily favor Russian interests.

Meanwhile, for Ukraine, the principle that “nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine” is more than just a slogan—it is a critical security principle. Ukrainian leaders are rightfully wary of any agreement negotiated without their active participation. With the current US strategy favoring swift and transactional outcomes rather than comprehensive negotiations, there is a real danger that Kyiv’s position could be compromised. The absence of Ukraine from these early discussions may result in a peace agreement that fails to address the existential risks the nation faces. Without strong security guarantees built into any deal, Ukraine remains vulnerable to renewed incursions and a potential destabilization of the entire region.

In this evolving diplomatic landscape, the contrast between the old and new approaches is stark. The previous risk-averse strategy sought to maintain clear boundaries to prevent escalation, whereas the current approach appears more willing to blur those lines in the hope of bringing an end to the bloodshed. Yet by doing so, there is an inherent risk: the very nation fighting for its survival might be reduced to a bargaining chip in a broader geopolitical deal.

It is imperative that Ukraine’s interests remain at the forefront of any negotiations. The war in Ukraine is not just a regional conflict—it is a struggle that speaks to the fundamental principles of sovereignty and self-determination. Any peace settlement that fails to incorporate Ukraine’s security concerns is likely to be unstable at best, and catastrophic at worst.

Maksym Skrypchenko is the president of the Transatlantic Dialogue Center

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Hebrew Media: Israel Fails to Achieve Goals of Gaza Onslaught

Israeli media outlets discussed Tel Aviv’s failure to achieve the goals of the war now ongoing for more than a year on the Gaza Strip. Hebrew newspapers stressed that the army is unable to eliminate Hamas, while disagreements are increasing regarding the future of military operations and the ceasefire agreement.

Yitzhak Brik, former commander of the Southern Corps said Israel has not been able to eliminate Hamas despite the war, now in its 15th month. He asked, “If we have failed throughout this period, how can we achieve it now?”

Brik pointed out that Hamas possesses a huge arsenal of weapons, and has developed its combat methods with its fighters exiting the underground tunnels and returning to them easily, making it difficult for the Israeli army to eliminate them.

He added Hamas has regained its strength, and that the Israeli army has destroyed no more than 10% of the tunnels of the Islamist organization, according to Israeli military sources. He also acknowledged that the military operations have not achieved their goals, and that the war has drained the army more so than at the beginning.

The army is a tool of an extremist government


For her part, Yifat Gadot, from the “Families of Soldiers Cry Enough” organization said the Israeli army has become a tool in the hands of an extremist government that is working to prolong the war to achieve its political and ideological interests.

Gadot added that there is a growing conviction among the families of soldiers that the war has become a means of maintaining the government coalition, not achieving security.

As for attorney Yair Nahorai, an expert in religious Zionist movements, he confirmed that the ongoing conflict is not just a war against Hamas, but part of an extremist religious vision that seeks to occupy Gaza, noting that some parties in the Israeli government consider the “sanctity of the land” more important than human life, which complicates the Israeli position even more.

In the same context, political analyst Ben Caspit considered that the real reason behind the slowdown in implementing the second phase of military operations is the political considerations of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

He explained that the pressure exerted by right-wing ministers, such as Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir, is obstructing the making of decisive decisions regarding the war, as Netanyahu seeks to maintain the stability of his government coalition instead of focusing on recovering the prisoners.

A Joke in the Middle East


For his part, Ben Gvir attacked the government, describing it as lacking courage, and missing a historic opportunity to impose its conditions on Hamas, adding that Israel has become a “joke in the Middle East” due to what he described as weak and hesitant decisions in managing the war and negotiations.

In contrast, Gil Dickman (a relative of one of the Israeli female prisoners killed in Gaza) responded to Ben Gvir’s statements, accusing him of politicizing the issue of prisoners, and called on him to support Netanyahu in his efforts to return the kidnapped, criticizing his withdrawal from the government due to recent agreements.

In another context, political analyst Dana Weiss stated that the Israeli political crisis escalated after statements by US President Donald Trump, who pressured the government to expedite the release of prisoners, threatening decisive responses if Israel did not respond to his demands.

Weiss confirmed that the Israeli government found itself between internal pressures from the extreme right and American and international pressures pushing towards diplomatic solutions, which further complicates the internal Israeli scene in light of the ongoing military operations in Gaza.

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