With Open Arms: Displaced Lebanese Flock to The Camps

By Samaa Abu Sharar

Over a million Lebanese have fled their homes in the south of Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley and the southern district of Beirut due to the unprecedented and indiscriminate Israeli raids on their cities. 

In the blink of an eye, over a million people lost literally everything and became displaced on the streets of the tiny capital and other Lebanese cities they believe are safer. Luckier ones were able to secure a corner in schools or other public places that were opened by the Lebanese government to temporarily host the displaced people. 

Along with the Lebanese, many Syrians and Palestinians were also displaced. Many of those resorted to the Palestinian camps to take refuge in the already cramped camps. This included refugee camps in Tyre in the south like Rashidieh.

A ‘Safe Place’

Photographer Rania Saadallah is a resident of the camp. She spoke to the Palestine Chronicle about the exodus of many families to the camp, particularly Lebanese and Palestinians with families in Rashidieh.  

According to Saadallah, most of those who arrived in Rashidieh came for two reasons; one, to remain close to their villages and towns in the south and two, because they lacked the financial means to go elsewhere.

“I know a family from Bazouriye; they are 14 individuals who came and stayed with their relatives, a family of seven, because they don’t have the means to rent a place inside the camp,” she said.

The Palestinian photographer told us that there are Palestinians who live in Lebanese villages in the south who also sought refuge in the camp as they did in the war of 2006.

“They consider the camp a safe place and it is close to their villages, but most importantly there is this familiarity between people of the villages and refugees in the camps,” she explained.

This familiarity and closeness that bond both people is undeniable and the latest events are proof of that.

Palestinian refugees across Lebanon rushed to help displaced Lebanese from the very start of Israel’s war on Lebanon.

Fraternity

The youth of Ain Al-Hilweh camp were amongst the first to rush to the streets to welcome the displaced Lebanese distributing water and snacks to those stranded in their cars.

According to Walid el-Ahmad, coordinator of the ‘Hand to Hand’ initiative, the unprecedented wave of displacement caught everyone by surprise because it was much bigger than anything that was anticipated by the Lebanese government, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) or the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). 

El-Ahmad told the Palestine Chronicle that some people arrived at the Mar Elias camp in Beirut to stay with relatives and acquaintances but there were limited numbers because the camp is extremely small.

“We reactivated the emergency committee we created at the beginning of the genocide on Gaza, which is under the supervision of the Popular Committee of the camp,” he explained.

Enthusiasm to extend a helping hand to the displaced people was very visible.

“Despite their dire situation, refugees donated everything they had from money to food to mattresses, blankets, anything they could, they gave without hesitation,” he added.

El-Ahmad and many other activists in the camps confirm that help mostly came from individuals, small initiatives, or local organizations.

In many cases, the work of all those combined extended to schools surrounding the camps in the absence of the Lebanese government at the start of the displacement wave.

“We are entrusted with Palestine and its people until they return to their homeland,” a Lebanese man told el-Ahmad, who also supervises a clinic in the Mar Elias camp after he refused to take money from him for treating his son.

These sentiments of fraternity between Palestinians and Lebanese run very deep considering the common history and many sacrifices they both made for the Palestinian cause.

Contingency Plan 

Nazira Mohammed al-Haj, a social activist who lives in the Naher El-Bared camp in the north of Lebanon, confirms these sentiments of solidarity. 

“I have a friend, she has three furnished apartments in the camp. She offered two of them to displaced Lebanese families and provided them as well with groceries,” al-Haj said.

The activist emphasized that this is not a unique case as the majority of refugees in the camp rushed to offer anything they could afford. 

As part of a contingency plan, UNRWA has opened several schools across the country for displaced people and already said that it will open others if there is a need for that. Two of those are in Naher El-Bared camp.

The UN agency has announced that although it gives priority to Palestinian refugees, it also welcomes displaced people of other nationalities depending on the “availability of resources.” 

However, al-Haj told the Palestine Chronicle that the majority of people who arrived at Naher el Bared are staying with refugees in the camp. 

“Some people gave their furnished apartments free of charge to displaced Lebanese,” she explained.

“Even generator owners and satellite and internet providers in the camp offered their services free of charge, in addition to those who donated clothes, mattresses and food items,” the activist explained. 

Al-Haj attributes this overflow of solidarity with the displaced Lebanese to the fact that refugees in Naher el Bared went through a similar displacement in 2007 when clashes broke out between the Lebanese army and the Fateh El-Islam group.

Same Destiny

In the neighboring Beddawi camp, the scene is not different. Refugees of the camp along with Palestinian organizations constituted the rock for the displaced Lebanese.

Social activist Dalal Sharour spoke to the Palestine Chronicle about an initiative that was launched by the Palestinian Cultural Club in the camp through which they established a ‘station’ for all displaced Palestinians and Lebanese. 

The station provided people with places to stay, received donations and offered basic aid.

“The youth in Beddawi camp are very active. They drove in a big pick-up truck roaming the camp’s streets collecting donations, which were largely received through WhatsApp groups,” Sharour said.

The Palestinian activist told the Palestine Chronicle that the Popular Committee in the camp along with many organizations created an emergency unit to collect data on the number of displaced people and their needs.

“The emergency unit will have representatives from each organization so as to coordinate efforts and not duplicate the services extended,” Sharour explained.

There are still no official numbers on how many displaced Palestinians and Lebanese headed to Tripoli in the north of Lebanon where the two camps are located. What we know is that people from the south, Bekaa and Beirut headed to Tripoli because at the moment it is considered safer than other areas.

Researcher and consultant in refugee studies Jaber Suleiman told the Palestine Chronicle that the overwhelming solidarity that the Palestinian refugees have shown towards the displaced Lebanese is expected and not strange to Palestinian refugees.

“In the face of the second phase of genocide, which started in Gaza and is continuing in Lebanon, there is a state of national Lebanese solidarity and the Palestinians are part it,” he said. 

“Palestinians more than others feel the suffering of displacement and leaving one’s homes. These generations in the camps are the generations of the first, second and third Nakba, and they feel more than others with the Lebanese displaced from their villages,” the Palestinian researcher said.

Suleiman also attributes the support and solidarity to the deep gratitude Palestinians in Lebanon feel towards the Lebanese for the sacrifices they are enduring in support of Gaza and the Palestinian cause.

“If they could, they would place them in their eyes and hearts as a sign of gratitude for all they are doing,” he said.

According to Suleiman, this is not the first time that Palestinians have welcomed displaced Lebanese into their camps, since in 2006 many took refuge in Ayn el-Helweh camp despite the hardships these refugees face in a country that deprives them of many of their basic rights. 

“They share the same destiny and they shed the same blood on the same soil against a common Zionist enemy, thus it’s no surprise to see this solidarity,” Suleiman concluded.

 This article is reproduced from the Palestine Chronicle.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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NAZA: When Israel’s Killing Machine Speaks in Its Own Voice

CROSSFIREARABIA – There are documentaries that expose a war by showing its victims, and there are films that attempt something altogether different: Entering the machinery that produces those victims.

NAZA, the disturbing new documentary by Israeli filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, belongs firmly to the second category.

Premiered at the Venice International Film Festival on 10 September, NAZA does not principally take its cameras into Gaza’s shattered streets, hospitals or tent camps. Instead, Abraham and Szor turn their cameras towards Israel — specifically towards 24 Israeli intelligence officers and soldiers who participated in the systems of surveillance, target selection and killing that have shaped Israel’s war in Gaza.

It is this inversion that makes NAZA potentially one of the most consequential films yet made about the Gaza war.

The Palestinians are overwhelmingly the people who die. But for most of the film, the camera remains on the other side of the border, among people who helped determine who would be targeted and how.

The result, according to Peter Bradshaw’s review in The Guardian, is a profoundly unsettling film that casts a “chilling light” on what has happened in Gaza. The Guardian is not merely reviewing the documentary: it produced NAZA, which grew out of investigations undertaken by the newspaper together with the Israeli-Palestinian publication +972 Magazine and the Hebrew-language Local Call between 2023 and 2025.

A word that turns civilians into numbers

The horror begins with the title.

“NAZA” is described by the filmmakers as an Israeli military term for the civilian casualties expected in an attack.

Before a bomb falls, in other words, civilians may already exist inside the targeting calculation as a number.

This is perhaps the film’s most disturbing proposition because it moves the argument beyond the familiar dispute over whether civilians were accidentally killed during attacks on Hamas targets. NAZA asks a more uncomfortable question: What happens when civilian deaths become incorporated into the architecture of targeting itself?

The Israeli witnesses describe systems in which intelligence, artificial intelligence, mass surveillance and enormous quantities of personal data are combined to identify suspected targets.

According to testimony presented in the film, computer systems analysed telephone behaviour and other information to identify people suspected of connections to Hamas. Targets could then be attacked at their homes, sometimes at night, despite the presence of their families.

One witness refers to an error rate of around 15 percent. Another describes an expected “Naza” figure of roughly 20 civilians for an operation.

Other testimony goes considerably further.

The Guardian’s investigation accompanying the film reports accounts of neighbourhoods being destroyed even when Israeli forces estimated that significant numbers of residents remained inside, civilian homes being systematically burned and Palestinians being killed around food-distribution areas.

The effect is to transform the vocabulary of “collateral damage.” Collateral damage ordinarily suggests something unintended. NAZA suggests calculation.

The horror is 60 kilometres away

Abraham and Szor make an inspired visual decision.

The interviews take place at night on rooftops in Tel Aviv.

The witnesses’ identities must be protected. Faces remain largely in darkness and appearances and voices are digitally altered. Yet behind these anonymous figures another character gradually emerges: Tel Aviv itself.

Apartments glow.

Traffic moves.

People continue their ordinary lives.

And Gaza is only about 60 kilometres away.

Bradshaw draws particular attention to this juxtaposition in his Guardian review. The camera periodically leaves the intelligence officers and wanders across Tel Aviv’s illuminated apartment buildings, observing fragments of comfortable civilian existence while another civilian population, almost within geographical touching distance, has been subjected to extraordinary destruction.

This distance is central to NAZA.

Modern warfare permits killing without proximity.

The person gathering intelligence does not necessarily see the family beneath the bomb. The analyst studies a screen. An algorithm produces possibilities. Someone approves a target. Someone else presses another button.

Each individual performs one function. The system performs the killing.

It is therefore significant that Abraham and Szor say their film is not primarily concerned with individual “rogue soldiers.” Their subject is something larger: the orders, procedures, assumptions and language through which extraordinary violence becomes ordinary institutional activity.

They call it the story of “the system and its cogs.” 

That may ultimately be the most important sentence attached to the film.

Not monsters, but technicians

One of NAZA’s unsettling qualities appears to be the ordinariness of the people speaking.

These are not cinematic villains.

They are technicians, intelligence officers and educated professionals. Some appear troubled by what they participated in. Others describe operations with a detachment that is arguably more disturbing than anger or hatred would have been.

One interviewee describes the experience as resembling a video game. Another recalls surveillance of two young sisters used to determine when their father, a suspected Hamas operative, was home. According to Screen Daily’s account of the film, an attack subsequently killed the girls and other members of the family — while the intended target was apparently not there. (Screen DailyError! Filename not specified.)

This is where NAZA enters territory familiar from Jonathan Glazer’s The Zone of Interest.

The connection is not accidental: Glazer is an executive producer of NAZA, alongside a production team associated with that Oscar-winning film.

The Zone of Interest explored horror through normality: Auschwitz existed beside a family home in which people gardened, ate meals and raised children.

NAZA constructs a contemporary and inevitably controversial echo.

Tel Aviv sleeps.

Screens glow.

Analysts work.

Gaza burns.

The significance of Israeli testimony

There is another reason this documentary matters.

Palestinians have described the destruction of Gaza since October 2023 in extraordinary detail. Palestinian journalists have filmed dead children, flattened neighbourhoods, destroyed hospitals, displaced families and mass graves.

Palestinian testimony has never been absent.

The uncomfortable question is why another form of testimony — that of Israelis participating in the system — may carry greater weight with Western audiences.

Abraham and Szor themselves appear conscious of the contradiction.

They do not claim Israelis are required to reveal what Palestinians have somehow failed to reveal. The destruction is already visible. Instead, NAZA tries to document the institutional mechanisms behind what everyone can see.

This distinction matters.

The film is less concerned with proving that Gaza was destroyed than explaining how destruction became administratively possible.

The 24 witnesses describe the infrastructure behind the explosion: intelligence databases, surveillance, algorithms, targeting procedures, permissible civilian casualty calculations and the bureaucratic division of responsibility.

It is the anatomy of remote warfare.

From

No Other Land to NAZA

Abraham and Szor are particularly interesting filmmakers because NAZA follows directly from No Other Land, which they made with Palestinian filmmakers Basel Adra and Hamdan Ballal.

That film documented the destruction and displacement confronting Palestinian communities in Masafer Yatta in the occupied West Bank and won the 2025 Academy Award for best documentary.

The directors themselves see continuity between the two works.

In No Other Land, they have said, the filmmakers documented individual demolitions and acts of violence in order to reveal the larger structure behind them. In NAZA, the approach is similar: collect individual testimonies until the architecture of the system becomes visible.

But NAZA goes somewhere darker.

The West Bank film largely observed what occupation does to people.

The Gaza film asks the people operating the machinery to explain how it works.

The film’s weakness

Bradshaw nevertheless identifies an important problem.

All 24 witnesses are anonymous.

There are compelling reasons for this. They could face serious professional, legal and personal consequences. The filmmakers reportedly spent considerable effort technologically disguising their identities, and completion of that anonymisation process was one reason the film was announced unusually late for Venice.

Yet anonymity inevitably weakens testimony.

The viewer cannot independently judge who these people are, what positions they held or how much direct knowledge they possessed.

Bradshaw argues that having nobody prepared to attach a name and face to the allegations reduces their evidentiary impact, even while acknowledging the danger they would face by doing so.

It is a legitimate criticism.

Yet the cumulative nature of the film appears designed partly to answer it. There is not one anonymous voice but two dozen of them, while many of the systems they describe were previously investigated journalistically.

The film therefore asks to be judged not as a collection of isolated confessions but as a mosaic.

Where the Guardian review becomes debatable

There is one element of Bradshaw’s otherwise powerful review that deserves scrutiny.

When one of the Israeli interviewees reaches for an analogy with Nazism, Bradshaw resists it. Gaza, he argues, should not be equated with the Holocaust, suggesting Dresden as a more historically appropriate comparison.

His caution is understandable. Historical analogies can illuminate, but they can also flatten fundamentally different events. Yet perhaps the more interesting point is not whether Gaza “is” Auschwitz, Dresden or anything else.

It is who raises the comparison.

The discomfort comes from an Israeli participant in the military system looking back at European history and then looking at his own actions.

The film need not settle that comparison. The fact that an insider feels compelled to ask the question is itself part of the testimony.

A documentary about distance

Ultimately, NAZA appears to be about several kinds of distance. There is the physical distance between Tel Aviv and Gaza. There is technological distance between the person operating a computer and the human being beneath an aircraft. There is bureaucratic distance between collecting intelligence and dropping a bomb.

There is linguistic distance between saying “civilian” and saying “Naza.”

And there is moral distance — the extraordinary ability of a modern society to continue eating dinner, watching television and going to work while devastating violence is being inflicted only kilometres away.

That is why the nighttime Tel Aviv setting may be the film’s most effective image. The lights continue burning in the apartments. The intelligence officers sit in darkness. And beyond the horizon lies Gaza.

When the perpetrators provide the evidence

NAZA will inevitably generate political controversy. Some will challenge the testimony. Others will challenge the filmmakers’ terminology and conclusions. Israel has consistently argued that it targets Hamas rather than civilians and that Hamas’s operations within populated areas place civilians in danger.

But NAZA changes the nature of that debate.

Its central witnesses are not Hamas officials, Palestinian activists or foreign campaigners. They are Israelis who say they participated in the system.

And Abraham and Szor’s achievement is apparently not to force these people into dramatic confessions but simply to allow them to describe their work.

That may explain why the film sounds so disturbing. There are no screaming interrogations.

No theatrical confrontations. No need for them. The men and women behind the screens explain the algorithms, surveillance, intelligence and calculations.

Gradually the vocabulary of technology gives way to something painfully simple.

Every “Naza” was a person. Someone’s daughter. Someone’s father. Someone asleep inside an apartment.

Someone waiting for food.

And perhaps that is the lasting importance of NAZA. After nearly three years in which Gaza’s destruction has repeatedly been presented through arguments over numbers, military necessity and proportionality, Abraham and Szor take the audience behind those numbers.

They show us the people who calculated them.

And they ask what happens to a society when human beings can first be converted into numbers — and then those numbers become acceptable.

NAZA does not merely document the devastation of Gaza. It documents the bureaucracy that made devastation possible.

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Palestinians Slam Adidas For Pro-Israel PR Campaign
  • HebaHeba
  • September 10, 2026

Two Palestinian amputee athletes from the Gaza Strip condemned the global sports equipment company Adidas for using an Israeli soldier as an advertising figure for its products, describing the move as “a blatant bias toward the Israeli killers and a whitewashing of the crimes of genocide.”

The two athletes, speaking to Anadolu, said they had decided on a “comprehensive boycott and abandonment of the company’s products” and called on the Arab and Muslim sporting community and free people around the world to support them and stop buying its products.

Former Israeli soldier Shalev Biton, who participated in the Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip in 2021, appeared in a local campaign promoting the Single Shoe service launched by Adidas.

The service allows amputees, or those who need only one shoe, to purchase it for 50% of the price of a full pair.

The campaign sparked widespread international, Arab and Palestinian discontent, amid the suffering of thousands of amputees in the Gaza Strip due to a shortage of prosthetic limbs and the raw materials needed to manufacture them.

‘Whitewashing the image of the killers’

Ahmed Abu Nar, an amputee football player in Gaza, said that Adidas, a company of its size, using an Israeli sniper who participated in the war on the Strip was “a provocative act and a deliberate attempt to whitewash the image of those committing war crimes against civilians.”

Abu Nar, who lost his left leg as a result of direct fire from an Israeli sniper, expressed his astonishment at “using an Israeli soldier to advertise and market this shoe, at a time when it could have used many other people.”

He added: “The company has expertise and specialized teams to study every step, and what happened was not a mere coincidence, but a calculated decision to ignore the victims and celebrate the killer.”

Abu Nar criticized the company’s handling of the controversy and its decision to limit the apology and removal of the advertisement to pages directed only at the Middle East, noting that “the company’s global page did not address the matter.”

Under pressure and amid calls to boycott it, the German sportswear company Adidas apologized Monday through its Arabic-language Instagram account for launching an advertising campaign featuring an Israeli soldier.

The Adidas Arabia account has relatively limited reach, with only 1.4 million followers, a figure that is dwarfed by the more than 29.6 million followers of its global account.

Abu Nar confirmed that he had made a firm decision to boycott Adidas and dispose of all its sports equipment, saying: “This decision is irreversible for us as athletes in Gaza.”

He added: “The company applies double standards, between us being victims and being exposed to death, bombing and destruction at every moment, while on the other hand they said the war had stopped, and to this day it has not stopped. On our way to the field, we are at any moment afraid that a bombing may occur.”

Since Oct. 8, 2023, Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza, leaving more than 73,000 Palestinians dead, more than 174,000 wounded, and destruction affecting 90% of the infrastructure.

Bias toward the occupation

For his part, Hassan Abu Karim, 43, a board member of the Palestine Amputee Football Association, denounced what he described as “racial discrimination and double standards” practiced by global companies in their handling of the Palestinian issue.

Abu Karim, who lost his foot to an Israeli shell in 2006 during an incursion into the Maghazi area, said: “At a time when our association has struggled since its establishment in 2018 to provide the most basic necessities, including shoes and crutches for amputee athletes, we find the global company opening its doors and providing its capabilities and sponsorship to a soldier who participated in massacres against our people.”

“This greatly affects the sporting situation in Palestine, particularly people with amputations who had been waiting for international institutions and companies to sponsor them or stand by their side,” he added.

Abu Karim, a former player for Maghazi Services Club who participated in international sporting initiatives for amputees, explained that it would be more appropriate for global companies to show solidarity with victims living under siege and bombardment and to safeguard the rights of people with disabilities.

He continued: “As an athlete, when I saw this advertisement, it became clear to me that they had ignored the suffering of people with disabilities or amputees in Gaza.”

He considered the use of the Israeli soldier as an advertising figure to be “abhorrent racial discrimination,” calling on Adidas “not to be racist and not to side with the occupation and killing.”

Abu Karim called on Arab and Muslim athletes and sporting institutions around the world to stand alongside Palestinian athletes and confront what he described as “racist policies” through a broad boycott of the company’s products until it “complies with humanitarian values and justice.”

Days after the advertisement was published, criticism escalated across social media platforms as accounts supportive of the Palestinian cause republished images of the campaign, pointing out that Biton had lost his leg while participating in the Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip in 2021.

Israel’s Channel 15 said posts that recirculated the advertisement received millions of views, while a hashtag calling for a boycott of Adidas spread, accompanied by thousands of calls to boycott the company.

Users compared the Israeli soldier with the thousands of Palestinians whose limbs had been amputated during the genocide, accusing Adidas of ignoring their suffering.

More than 5,000 amputation cases

The figures concerning amputees in the Gaza Strip reveal the extent of the contrast highlighted by Adidas’ critics.

According to World Health Organization estimates issued in May 2026, the Strip recorded between 5,161 and 6,710 limb amputations since October 2023.

The organization indicated that around 43,000 people in Gaza sustained injuries likely to permanently change their lives, including approximately 10,000 children.

It noted that the number of serious limb injuries had reached around 22,000 cases by May, while the total number of injuries at that time had reached approximately 172,000 since Oct. 8, 2023.

In a related context, figures reported by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) on Aug. 14, 2026, confirmed that children account for around 18% of amputation cases in Gaza, while specialized rehabilitation services for children are unavailable in the Strip.

The suffering of amputees does not end with the loss of their limbs, as it is followed by a long process of surgical operations, physical therapy, rehabilitation and the search for a suitable prosthetic limb. Anadolu

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