With Open Arms: Displaced Lebanese Flock to The Camps

By Samaa Abu Sharar

Over a million Lebanese have fled their homes in the south of Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley and the southern district of Beirut due to the unprecedented and indiscriminate Israeli raids on their cities. 

In the blink of an eye, over a million people lost literally everything and became displaced on the streets of the tiny capital and other Lebanese cities they believe are safer. Luckier ones were able to secure a corner in schools or other public places that were opened by the Lebanese government to temporarily host the displaced people. 

Along with the Lebanese, many Syrians and Palestinians were also displaced. Many of those resorted to the Palestinian camps to take refuge in the already cramped camps. This included refugee camps in Tyre in the south like Rashidieh.

A ‘Safe Place’

Photographer Rania Saadallah is a resident of the camp. She spoke to the Palestine Chronicle about the exodus of many families to the camp, particularly Lebanese and Palestinians with families in Rashidieh.  

According to Saadallah, most of those who arrived in Rashidieh came for two reasons; one, to remain close to their villages and towns in the south and two, because they lacked the financial means to go elsewhere.

“I know a family from Bazouriye; they are 14 individuals who came and stayed with their relatives, a family of seven, because they don’t have the means to rent a place inside the camp,” she said.

The Palestinian photographer told us that there are Palestinians who live in Lebanese villages in the south who also sought refuge in the camp as they did in the war of 2006.

“They consider the camp a safe place and it is close to their villages, but most importantly there is this familiarity between people of the villages and refugees in the camps,” she explained.

This familiarity and closeness that bond both people is undeniable and the latest events are proof of that.

Palestinian refugees across Lebanon rushed to help displaced Lebanese from the very start of Israel’s war on Lebanon.

Fraternity

The youth of Ain Al-Hilweh camp were amongst the first to rush to the streets to welcome the displaced Lebanese distributing water and snacks to those stranded in their cars.

According to Walid el-Ahmad, coordinator of the ‘Hand to Hand’ initiative, the unprecedented wave of displacement caught everyone by surprise because it was much bigger than anything that was anticipated by the Lebanese government, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) or the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). 

El-Ahmad told the Palestine Chronicle that some people arrived at the Mar Elias camp in Beirut to stay with relatives and acquaintances but there were limited numbers because the camp is extremely small.

“We reactivated the emergency committee we created at the beginning of the genocide on Gaza, which is under the supervision of the Popular Committee of the camp,” he explained.

Enthusiasm to extend a helping hand to the displaced people was very visible.

“Despite their dire situation, refugees donated everything they had from money to food to mattresses, blankets, anything they could, they gave without hesitation,” he added.

El-Ahmad and many other activists in the camps confirm that help mostly came from individuals, small initiatives, or local organizations.

In many cases, the work of all those combined extended to schools surrounding the camps in the absence of the Lebanese government at the start of the displacement wave.

“We are entrusted with Palestine and its people until they return to their homeland,” a Lebanese man told el-Ahmad, who also supervises a clinic in the Mar Elias camp after he refused to take money from him for treating his son.

These sentiments of fraternity between Palestinians and Lebanese run very deep considering the common history and many sacrifices they both made for the Palestinian cause.

Contingency Plan 

Nazira Mohammed al-Haj, a social activist who lives in the Naher El-Bared camp in the north of Lebanon, confirms these sentiments of solidarity. 

“I have a friend, she has three furnished apartments in the camp. She offered two of them to displaced Lebanese families and provided them as well with groceries,” al-Haj said.

The activist emphasized that this is not a unique case as the majority of refugees in the camp rushed to offer anything they could afford. 

As part of a contingency plan, UNRWA has opened several schools across the country for displaced people and already said that it will open others if there is a need for that. Two of those are in Naher El-Bared camp.

The UN agency has announced that although it gives priority to Palestinian refugees, it also welcomes displaced people of other nationalities depending on the “availability of resources.” 

However, al-Haj told the Palestine Chronicle that the majority of people who arrived at Naher el Bared are staying with refugees in the camp. 

“Some people gave their furnished apartments free of charge to displaced Lebanese,” she explained.

“Even generator owners and satellite and internet providers in the camp offered their services free of charge, in addition to those who donated clothes, mattresses and food items,” the activist explained. 

Al-Haj attributes this overflow of solidarity with the displaced Lebanese to the fact that refugees in Naher el Bared went through a similar displacement in 2007 when clashes broke out between the Lebanese army and the Fateh El-Islam group.

Same Destiny

In the neighboring Beddawi camp, the scene is not different. Refugees of the camp along with Palestinian organizations constituted the rock for the displaced Lebanese.

Social activist Dalal Sharour spoke to the Palestine Chronicle about an initiative that was launched by the Palestinian Cultural Club in the camp through which they established a ‘station’ for all displaced Palestinians and Lebanese. 

The station provided people with places to stay, received donations and offered basic aid.

“The youth in Beddawi camp are very active. They drove in a big pick-up truck roaming the camp’s streets collecting donations, which were largely received through WhatsApp groups,” Sharour said.

The Palestinian activist told the Palestine Chronicle that the Popular Committee in the camp along with many organizations created an emergency unit to collect data on the number of displaced people and their needs.

“The emergency unit will have representatives from each organization so as to coordinate efforts and not duplicate the services extended,” Sharour explained.

There are still no official numbers on how many displaced Palestinians and Lebanese headed to Tripoli in the north of Lebanon where the two camps are located. What we know is that people from the south, Bekaa and Beirut headed to Tripoli because at the moment it is considered safer than other areas.

Researcher and consultant in refugee studies Jaber Suleiman told the Palestine Chronicle that the overwhelming solidarity that the Palestinian refugees have shown towards the displaced Lebanese is expected and not strange to Palestinian refugees.

“In the face of the second phase of genocide, which started in Gaza and is continuing in Lebanon, there is a state of national Lebanese solidarity and the Palestinians are part it,” he said. 

“Palestinians more than others feel the suffering of displacement and leaving one’s homes. These generations in the camps are the generations of the first, second and third Nakba, and they feel more than others with the Lebanese displaced from their villages,” the Palestinian researcher said.

Suleiman also attributes the support and solidarity to the deep gratitude Palestinians in Lebanon feel towards the Lebanese for the sacrifices they are enduring in support of Gaza and the Palestinian cause.

“If they could, they would place them in their eyes and hearts as a sign of gratitude for all they are doing,” he said.

According to Suleiman, this is not the first time that Palestinians have welcomed displaced Lebanese into their camps, since in 2006 many took refuge in Ayn el-Helweh camp despite the hardships these refugees face in a country that deprives them of many of their basic rights. 

“They share the same destiny and they shed the same blood on the same soil against a common Zionist enemy, thus it’s no surprise to see this solidarity,” Suleiman concluded.

 This article is reproduced from the Palestine Chronicle.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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In The Grip of Starvation: Israel Will Not Let Gaza Rest!

Gaza Government Media Office Advisor Taysir Muhaysin warned of a gradual return to famine in the Gaza Strip as a result of continued Israeli policies restricting aid entry and other basic necessities.

He told the Sanad News Agency the amount of aid entering Gaza by truck does not exceed 27% of that stipulated in the last ceasefire agreement.

Muhaysin stated the Israeli policy of reducing aid is not limited to food and humanitarian supplies, but extends to fuel, including diesel, gasoline, and cooking gas, which is an essential commodity for Palestinian families to manage their daily lives and prepare whatever food they can find under the difficult living conditions.

Read also: Al-Hayek: Gaza sounds the alarm of famine due to declining aid

Government institutions in the Strip continue to perform their duties at the minimum level possible, given the available resources and the exceptional circumstances Gaza is experiencing, whilst Muhaysin denying an administrative vacuum in the enclave.

He affirmed that Gaza government institutions continue to function and maintain a minimum level of stability and essential services essential to the population.

The Media Office Advisor indicated different government bodies expressed their full readiness to hand over their administrative and executive responsibilities to the “technocratic committee” as soon as it arrives in the Strip to begin its work, in accordance with the ceasefire agreement signed in 10 October, 2025. He stressed however, there are real obstacles as procedure and conditions is imposed by the Israel occupation that prevent this.

A Complex Humanitarian Crisis…

Muhaysin warned the living conditions in Gaza are really a “complex humanitarian crisis” affecting all aspects of life.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizens are still living in tents amidst the spread of epidemics and diseases,” whilst pointing to the decline in the capabilities of the health system and municipal services in addition to the severe shortage of food and essential shelter supplies.

The health sector faces increasing risks due to the ongoing shortage of fuel and medical supplies. Muhaysin noted the administration of the Al-Aqsa Hospital were forced to shutdown about 50% of its power generators, and this threatens the lives of patients, especially kidney patients, premature infants, and those in operating rooms and intensive care units.

“What Gaza is witnessing today represents an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe, caused by the decisions and measures imposed by the Israeli occupation, which has led to an unprecedented deterioration in living, health, and humanitarian conditions.”

He pointed out that the technocratic committee that is yet to enter the Gaza Strip needs to assuming its responsibilities across the entire enclave, and this needs to happen with the concurrent withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the areas they reoccupied in Gaza and the commencement of international forces operations tasked with monitoring and security separation under the terms of the ceasefire.

Muhaysin accuses the Israeli occupation of attempting to impose new realities on the ground through excluding areas east of what is known as the “yellow line” from the committee’s administrative responsibility. He said these go against the principles agreed upon in the proposals put forward to end the ongoing crisis.

He concluded by saying the occupation continues to impose its own vision on the future of the Gaza Strip by repeatedly introducing new conditions and ideas, contradicting the fundamental understandings and initiatives discussed over the past months. This, he asserted, obstructs any genuine efforts to alleviate the suffering of the population and end the escalating humanitarian crisis.

The specter of famine is returning to haunt the Gaza Strip, and is coinciding with the tightening of military measures at the crossings controlled by the Israeli occupation. Such prevents the entry of humanitarian and relief aid, and allows militias affiliated with the occupation to steal the incoming aid.

At the end of May, the Palestinian Council of Ministers warned of the severity of UN reports that indicate that about 1.6 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, nearly 77% of the population, face the immediate threat of famine due to declining humanitarian funding and reduced aid flow.

In a previous statement to Sanad News Agency, Ali al-Hayek, head of the Palestinian Businessmen Association, warned of the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. He emphasized that famine indicators are becoming increasingly apparent amid the continued decline in humanitarian aid and the curtailment of relief organizations’ operations. He noted the Gaza situation “threatens the onset of an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe.”

This article is based on an extended interview by Advisor Taysir Muhaysin published in Arabic by the Sanad News Agency and republished crossfirearabia.com

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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