Salman Abu Sitta: Safeguarding Palestinian Memory

Salman Abu Sitta (b. 1937) is a Palestinian researcher born in the city of Beersheba; he is considered one of the researchers most deeply engaged with the issues of Palestinian refugees and the right of return.

Abu Sitta: A Note

Salman Abu Sitta was born in Beersheba, Palestine, in 1937. He earned a Bachelor’s degree in Civil Engineering from Cairo University in 1959 and a PhD in Civil Engineering from the University of London in 1964. He is a fellow of the Institution of Structural Engineers (UK), the Association of Professional Engineers of Ontario (Canada), and the American Society of Civil Engineers. He is also a former member of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (UK), the American committee for energy facility specifications, and the executive council for space structures. He has authored over 30 scientific papers and books on engineering and received multiple awards from the British engineering association.

He served as a professor at the University of Western Ontario in Canada and was an independent member of the Palestinian National Council from 1974 until the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993. Additionally, he was a member of the Palestinian Cooperation body in Geneva, where he chaired the committee on refugees and UNRWA. He has authored more than 80 research papers and articles and published four books on the refugee issue in both Arabic and English. He also designed and illustrated a comprehensive map of all the villages and cities of Palestine, with three-quarters of a million copies distributed in both Arabic and English.

Documenting the Nakba


Abu Sitta spent over 40 years researching information regarding Palestine—both before and after the establishment of Israel. The mission he undertook went beyond merely chronicling the Nakba and documenting Palestine; he also strove to ensure that “the memories and identity of the homeland would never be lost.” Abu Sitta began his documentation work in his thirties after discovering the memoirs of the Turkish commander of Beersheba—which was under Ottoman rule at the time—a document dating back to the early 19th century. “That is where the research began, and it has never stopped since,” he says. “I have continued to gather every scrap of material regarding every inch of my homeland.”

Works
Atlas of Palestine 1917–1966.
The Right of Return: Sacred, Legal, and Feasible (2001), Arab Institute for Research and Publishing.
The Road to Return: A Guide to Displaced and Existing Towns and Villages and Holy Sites in Palestine (2007), Palestine Culture Foundation.
The Nakba Register 1948 (2000), Baheth Center for Studies.
Sources
Geographicus Rare Antique Maps biographical dictionary of cartographers | Salman Abu Sitta (in English), QID: Q133842860.
The Palestinian Return Centre. “Third Return Week” (in English). Archived from the original on 2023-12-12. Retrieved 2023-11-23.
Al Jazeera: Bila Hudood (Without Borders) – Dr. Salman Abu Sitta, October 10, 2007 [Broken link]; archived copy (March 4, 2016).
Interview with Al-Ahram newspaper [Broken link]; archived copy (September 24, 2013).


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Killing Happiness!

By Ismail Al Sharif

“I fear only one thing: That we might be broken forever, for whoever is broken forever can never rise again. Tell them: take care not to be defeated forever.” — *Gaza Weddings* (also known as *The White Horses*), a novel in Arabic by Ibrahim Nasrallah.

In 2011, Palestinians set a world record by flying the largest number of kites on the Gaza beach during a summer camp organized by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).

By 2024, however, the United States had halted its funding to the agency, while the Zionist entity designated it a terrorist organization, revoked agreements with it, and cleared out its premises. Furthermore, children in Gaza faced threats of death if they flew even a single kite—despite kites being among the few remaining playthings that offer them moments of joy—at a time when even a child’s smile or expression of happiness has become a provocation to the Zionists, warranting death.

Just days ago, a four-year-old child was killed after the army fired missiles at a warehouse in the Al-Wayda area, near Salah al-Din Street. The strike killed three Palestinians, including the child Abdul Salam Taha, in retaliation for the flying of kites.

Subsequently, war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu and his Defense Minister Israel Katz, threatened to target any area in Gaza where kites were spotted—an escalation revealing that the targeting encompasses everything, even the simplest expressions of joy and play among children. A nuclear state—possessing the world’s most advanced weaponry, receiving billions of dollars in aid, enjoying limitless military supplies, and shielded by aircraft carriers—views small children flying kites as a threat to its national security. It deems killing them as the appropriate response to this “threat,” as if the blood of tens of thousands of children were not enough to slake its thirst for bloodshed.

No foreign official has stepped forward to condemn the targeting of children flying kites; on the contrary, the matter has been treated as routine—as if the act itself constituted a threat warranting death. Foreign media outlets have echoed the same narrative claiming that Hamas orchestrates the kite-flying—the very narrative used to justify the destruction of hospitals, bakeries, and water stations, as well as the bombing and burning of displaced persons’ tents.

For instance, a BBC headline read: “Israel warns of strong response to kites launched from Gaza.” By attributing the kite-flying to an unspecified entity—implying an organized military operation—the incident was framed as a security confrontation. Consequently, the targeting of children—and the blowing of their bodies to pieces by bombs—was portrayed as a natural and justified response.

Preventing the children of Gaza from flying their kites—depriving them of one of the few remaining joys in their lives—cannot be separated from the attempt to break them psychologically and emotionally, nor from a policy aimed at rendering Gaza uninhabitable and denying its people their most basic human rights. The daily crimes in Gaza—compounded by impunity, a lack of accountability, and the support and encouragement of certain allies—reveal the extent of the corruption, brutality, and injustice in this world. The tragedy has not ceased; circulating figures indicate that Palestinian casualties continue to mount even after the announced ceasefire, amidst ongoing human suffering.

In Gaza, even the simple joy of a child holding a kite is treated as a threat—as if the objective were no longer merely to defeat the human being, but to steal their smile.

This article written by Ismail Al Sharif was originally published in Arabic in Ad Dustour newspaper and appeared in crossfirearabia.com

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Keeping The Palestinian Narrative Alive Via Its Generations

Camp Refugees in Lebanon speak fondly about Palestine and the collective memory that refuses to stay dormant but lives on through their identity and consciousness of its people


By Samaa Abu Sharar

BEIRUT – Ninety-year-old Hajj Ahmad Abdullah and his wife, Fayrouz Rustum, led us into the living room of their apartment, opening up the spaces of his memory, allowing us, from their home in the Zarout area of Iqlim al-Kharroub, to take a glimpse into the hidden world of his village, Kabul, in the Acre district, he left when he was 15 years old.

His memory overflowed, revealing its richness and an intimacy that 78 years of absence failed to diminish. It stands against the endlessly repeated Zionist refrain of “a land without a people for a people without a land,” a claim that was used to convince the world of a falsehood resting on hollow myths and illusions that falter before a coherent and living narrative.

Hajj Ahmad speaks of growing figs, olives and vegetables on land that has never disappeared from his memory. He recalls the simplicity and beauty of life and the warmth of human relationships. With bitterness, he recounts the story of his displacement from Palestine and his movement from one place to another in southern Lebanon before eventually settling in “al-Bass camp.”

Hajj Ahmad Abdullah: “I lived amid Palestine’s abundance, and I know the value of Palestine”

“I lived in the camp before I got married and travelled to the Gulf and Africa to earn a living,” he says, passing through the many stages of a life spent struggling to survive after suddenly finding himself cast into a void. He eventually settled in Zarout after long years of expatriation.

He keeps a file filled with papers on which he has recorded some of his memories of “beautiful, captive Palestine,” as he describes it, as well as reflections on what has become of his people’s cause. Among those papers is his will to his children, asking them to bury him in Palestine.

Hajj Ahmad points to his wife, now in her 70s, who left her village of Sheikh Dawud in the Acre district when she was only a week-old.

“This is my beloved,” he says. “But whatever she feels toward Palestine, or whatever my son or daughter feels, it cannot compare with what I feel, because they did not live in Palestine. They don’t know Palestine the way I do. I know Palestine. I lived amid Palestine’s abundance, and I know its value. I know every town and every city and what makes each one special.”

Hajja Fayrouz interrupts him, saying that the bond connecting a person to Palestine is not necessarily physical, but spiritual.

“My niece was born in Vienna and is married to an Austrian. Her daughter tells me she comes from Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp. She speaks Palestinian Arabic and loves Palestinian food.”

Narrative of the Camps

Among the narrow, dilapidated alleys of the Shatila refugee camp—where a passerby can feel as though the streets themselves are an extension of footsteps marked by oppression, humiliation and deprivation—we stop several people and ask them what the Palestinian narrative means to them.

Some ignore the question and continue on their way. Others stop to speak with us for a few minutes before moving on.

Mohammad, whose family comes from Sa’sa’ in the Safad district, tells us that he “drank in the love of Palestine and its suffering from his family.”

The young man, in his twenties, says he grew up listening to stories about Palestine’s beauty and what life there had been like. Ultimately, he believes that love for Palestine is “instinctive.”

Mohammad says his knowledge of Palestine began with the stories told by his parents and grandparents and deepened through information available on social media. These platforms allowed younger generations to learn more about the struggles of successive generations to liberate Palestine, about everyday life there, the process of displacement, and much more.

Mohammad believes the Palestinian narrative remains secure as long as successive generations continue to hold on to it. He gives the example of his three-year-old daughter, who, despite her young age, introduces herself as “a Palestinian refugee in Shatila camp.”

He attributes this to the continuing suffering inherited by the new generation from its parents and grandparents.

Rahaf, 14, and her nine-year-old sister Aseel were walking home carrying household supplies when we met them. Their family comes from the village of al-Na’ima in the Safad district, which was destroyed by the Zionist occupation along with many other Palestinian villages.

The two girls say their greatest aspiration is “the liberation of Palestine.” They proudly mention that their grandfather was killed during the War of the Camps in the 1980s—an indication of how deeply the experience of the Palestinian cause and refugeehood remains part of their lives.

Captain Tareq Abdul Rahman, who runs Al-Karmel Club, which trains children and young people in football and basketball in the camp, believes that accumulated knowledge of the Palestinian narrative began with the stories of grandparents and parents and developed further through individual efforts to search for information about Palestinian history and the Palestinian cause.

Abdul Rahman’s family comes from the village of Amuqa in the Galilee, and he remains in daily contact with children and young people in the camp. His work with them is not limited to sports. The club also organizes cultural activities introducing them to Palestine and commemorating national occasions.

He says the younger generation possesses a different body of knowledge from the generations before it. This is partly because stories passed from one generation to another lose some of their details over time, and partly because of the declining role of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in fostering national awareness.

“The younger generation may know fewer details, but the most important thing is that the cause remains alive within them,” Abdul Rahman stresses.

He also points to difficult living conditions and the increasingly frantic pace of life, which leave parents with less time and energy to educate their children about the Palestinian cause.

Inside a tiny coffee shop barely large enough for a few seats, we sit with Abu Tareq al-Sadiq, whose family comes from Haifa and who lives in Shatila camp.

Abu Tareq, who trains scouts at the Dreams of a Refugee Association, says Palestinian identity is “inherited through the genes” from grandparents and parents who experienced displacement and suffering and passed those experiences on to their children.

“My daughter lives far away from the Palestinian environment, but imagine this: Today, her children are completely preoccupied with what is happening in Palestine, and that has a lot to do with what happened in Gaza,” Abu Tareq explains.

Abu Tareq al-Sadiq: “Palestinian identity is inherited through the genes”

Through his work with younger generations and the conversations he has with them, Abu Tareq has become convinced that the Palestinian narrative is safe despite the difficult circumstances Palestinians face.

He sees the emigration of young Palestinians abroad—a phenomenon increasingly common among Palestinian refugees—as an escape from a painful reality, but not as something that diminishes anyone’s Palestinian identity.

“They want to emigrate because there is a problem in this country, not because they want to forget Palestine,” he says.

In his view, migration does not necessarily distance young people from Palestine; it can actually bring them closer.

“They can obtain citizenship that enables them to visit Palestine. And they can work for Palestine more freely in another country of refuge, allowing their narrative to spread more widely throughout the world.”

He emphasizes that the Palestinian narrative cannot be reduced to the Nakba alone:

“It is all the living stories Palestinians have experienced since 1948.”

In the Mar Elias refugee camp, near Shatila, the Klas Palestinian Heritage shop overlooks one of the camp’s narrow alleys. The shop sells Palestinian symbols—keffiyehs, embroidery and other traditional items.

Journalist Imad Mukhtar, the shop’s owner and president of the Yafa Return Association for Heritage and Culture, considers these symbols an inseparable part of the Palestinian narrative and believes they should be circulated and promoted as widely as possible.

Imad Mukhtar: “The narrative is everything our grandparents and parents lived through, everything we lived through, and everything our children and grandchildren live through”

“When our families left Palestine in a hurry, they took some of their personal belongings with them,” Mukhtar says.

“The women, for example, took some of the embroidered dresses they had spent long nights working on. The men took their work tools—the pickaxe and the plough—to help them earn a living wherever they went. They also carried things such as bridal chests, grain mills, keys and land ownership documents.”

Mukhtar continues:

“Many of those belongings are still in our homes today. They used to tell us stories about these things—real stories about the lives they had lived. We grew up with those stories, stories about our Palestinian customs and traditions. We preserved them and raised our children on them. That is why the narrative is everything our grandparents and parents lived through, everything we lived through, and everything our children and grandchildren continue to live through.”

Mukhtar keeps a photograph of his mother taken in 2017. In one hand, she holds a Jerusalem ka’ak, and in the other she holds a photograph of herself as a child in Palestine in 1948, holding the same kind of bread.

“When she saw the Jerusalem ka’ak, she insisted that I photograph her with it because it reminded her of her childhood in Palestine,” Mukhtar says.

He is certain that the Palestinian narrative is safe with the younger generation, which has grown up learning about Palestinian history, the Palestinian cause and the sacrifices made by the Palestinian revolution.

“And besides that, they themselves experience refugeehood, marginalization and the lack of employment opportunities in Lebanon. This is part of the suffering that has continued across generations, and it is part of resistance,” Mukhtar concludes.

Many people link the survival of the Palestinian narrative to the continuation of Palestinian suffering.

Among them is Amira al-Saleh, who lived in the Nabatieh and Tel al-Zaatar refugee camps before both were destroyed and has lived with her family in Mar Elias camp for many years now.

Amira says that, in addition to the stories her grandparents and parents told her about Palestine, her consciousness was also shaped when she was a child of no more than 11-years-old through awareness sessions organized by Fatah cadres about the Palestinian cause in Nabatieh camp.

Amira al-Saleh: “The 10 days became long years, and we are still waiting”

Amira remembers a famous phrase repeated by residents of Nabatieh camp:

“Ten days and we will return to Palestine.”

But “the 10 days became long years, and we are still waiting,” she says.

Now in her 60s, Amira insists that it is impossible for Palestinians to forget their narrative because they continue to live the Nakba and witness continuing Israeli massacres against their people.

“Even if a Palestinian wanted to forget, they couldn’t forget the humiliation and deprivation they experience every day because they are not in their own country.”

The Narrative of Place

Palestinian novelist and visual artist Marwan Abdel Aal believes that the Palestinian narrative cannot be confined to a single event or element.

“The Palestinian narrative is not a single, closed story. It is a river of flowing stories, bringing together history, memory and everyday experience. The Nakba was not a passing historical event that can be placed between parentheses and then closed, nor was it a moment that ended when its year came to an end,” Abdel Aal says.

Abdel Aal, who grew up in Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and whose family comes from the displaced village of al-Ghabisiyya in the Acre district, believes everything that followed the Nakba was shaped within its long shadow: Language, memory, fear and deferred hope.

What happened reshaped Palestinian consciousness. It was not merely an uprooting from place, but an initial rupture in the relationship between human beings and their land, between time and its meaning.

Marwan Abdel Aal: “The Palestinian narrative is not a single, closed story. It is a river of flowing stories”

Abdel Aal attaches great importance to the consciousness created by place and to its influence on the Palestinian narrative and its evolution.

“The camp was the center of gravity of my consciousness. It was not merely a confined space on a map, but a laboratory of Palestinian existence—a place that taught me that identity is not an identification card. It is an ongoing act, a form of knowledge that cannot be reduced to a single word or to a temporary homeland,” Abdel Aal explains.

Palestinian writer and journalist Ramzy Baroud, who grew up in the Nuseirat refugee camp in Gaza, engages in this continuous act through what he describes as his work toward “liberating the Palestinian narrative.”

“When I was young in Gaza, like others of my generation, I was passionate about the dream of liberating Palestine. But as I grew older, I realized that liberation is not limited to removing Zionism from Palestinian land. It also means liberating Palestinian history, identity, memory and imagination.”

Ramzy Baroud: “Everything I write is an attempt to reclaim the Palestinian narrative on behalf of those who created it, preserved it and sacrificed for it”

For Baroud, liberating the narrative means freeing the study and teaching of history, as well as academic research, from the dominance of Zionist thought. It also means refusing to limit Palestinian discourse to merely responding to Zionist claims and myths.

Baroud’s family comes from the village of Beit Daras, from which his relatives were displaced to Gaza.

“Everything I write is an attempt to reclaim the Palestinian narrative on behalf of those who created it, preserved it and sacrificed for it: The refugees of Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Syria and elsewhere; the descendants of farmers; workers, prisoners, fighters and martyrs; and everyone who sees themselves, first and foremost, as Palestinian,” Baroud says.

According to Abdel Aal, the narrative of place creates a particular complexity in defining identity.

“As a Palestinian, I say I am from the camp because it is the living memory of the continuing Nakba. To an Arab, I say I am from Palestine because the name itself bears witness to a wound. To a foreigner, I say I am Arab because the world wants to simplify the narrative and flatten it into a single mould. Sometimes I have said I am from Lebanon. In other words, the narrative is built upon a narrated memory rather than one personally lived—not as a form of belonging, but as a temporary legal reference—with a profound awareness that true belonging is not an identification card, but memory, practice and a continuing voice.”

One Narrative or Many?

Abdel Aal and Baroud agree that there is no single Palestinian narrative, but rather multiple narratives.

“There are particular experiences shaped by geography and different circumstances: The camp, the Palestinian interior, the West Bank, Gaza and the diaspora. But these are not separate narratives. They are different chapters of the same book, beginning with the Nakba and extending into the present, united by a shared memory, identity and cause.”

The Palestinian novelist considers this natural because the Palestinian does not conform to a “ready-made image.”

“The Palestinian is neither a silent victim nor a fighter stripped of complexity. The Palestinian is a human being who lives with contradiction: Someone who loves life and knows its price, who dreams and is prepared to defend that dream, who laughs because laughter is an act of resistance, and who writes because writing is an extension of political action. The Palestinian narrates and falls silent, disagrees, loves and hates. The Palestinian is, at heart, a natural human being—not a historical exception, but a moral test for the world.”

Baroud, meanwhile, regards the collective memory of the Nakba as one of the fundamental pillars of the Palestinian narrative.

“The stories of grandparents and parents were the primary means of resisting the systematic erasure of the Palestinian presence: The destruction of libraries, universities, research institutions and archives, and the imprisonment and assassination of intellectuals who had always served as guardians of history and knowledge.”

For Baroud, however, the narrative is not limited to memory. It encompasses other equally important elements, including the daily documentation of Palestinian life and Palestinian steadfastness.

“In previous generations, this documentation took the form of clandestine literature, prison writings, drawings on the walls of refugee camps, poetry and oral testimonies,” he says.

Baroud stresses that the survival of the Palestinian narrative depends on its continuous renewal. This renewal takes many forms: The courage of ordinary Palestinians, the steadfastness of prisoners, the persistence of hope in Gaza’s displacement camps, and countless other acts of everyday resistance that, in his view, are producing new stories that will shape the consciousness of future generations.

There is also what he describes as a seemingly non-political form of “quiet resistance” practiced by ordinary Palestinians through their insistence on “education, music, art, family and life itself, without the noise of intellectuals or the fiery rhetoric of politicians.”

Palestinian poet and writer Mosab Abu Toha, from Gaza, said in an interview with prominent American television host Jon Stewart that someone once asked him whether he would tell his children the same stories about the continuing Nakba that he tells his audiences.

He replied:

“My children are the story, and I am the story.”

“The old will die and the young will forget,” Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion is said to have declared in the 1940s.

Nearly 80 years have passed since those words, yet the Palestinian story continues to be passed from one generation to the next, despite the darkness of the current Palestinian reality, deep political divisions, and the continuing Israeli violence in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.

This article originally appeared in Al Quds Al Arabic. Sama Abu Sharar is a professional journalist, writer and translator with skills in three languages: Arabic, French and English. She is currently residing in Beirut and writes on different Palestinian and Lebanese issues for publications such as the online Palestine Chronicle and the Al Quds Al Arabi, a prestigious Arabic language daily newspaper published in London. Her articles appear in translated form in crossfirearabia.com.

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Israel Forcibly Displaced Three Camps – UN

Israeli security forces forcibly displaced the entire population of three Palestine refugee camps in the occupied West Bank in January and February last year – and continue to prevent their return, in violation of international law, according to a new report by the UN human rights office, OHCHR.

The report said military, police and other forces deployed during Israel’s Operation Iron Wall offensive killed civilians, destroyed hundreds of homes, damaged roads and other infrastructure, cut off water and electricity, and blocked humanitarian access to the Jenin, Nur Shams and Tulkarem refugee camps. 

Israeli forces went door to door ordering residents to leave.

Some displaced Palestinians told OHCHR that Israeli officers said there would be no more refugee camps and that they should “all go to Jordan”. 

Widespread destruction

By October 2025, 52 per cent of structures in Jenin refugee camp, 48 per cent in Nur Shams and 36 per cent in Tulkarem had been destroyed or damaged.

The report said the large-scale, long-term and systematic displacement of over 33,000 Palestinians from the camps during the operation raises serious concerns of the crime against humanity of forcible transfer. 

It said Israeli forces used airstrikes, armoured bulldozers and controlled detonations to render entire camps uninhabitable in the absence of imperative military necessity – actions it said also raise concerns of collective punishment and ethnic cleansing.

Some 102 Palestinians, including 21 children, were killed during the period covered by the report – 46 per cent of all killings by Israeli forces in the West Bank over that period.

Shot on the way to pray 

Among them were Sondos Shalabi, who was eight months pregnant and was shot dead as she tried to drive away from Nur Shams camp, and ten-year-old Saddam Hussein Rajab, who was shot in the stomach in Tulkarem as he waited for his father to walk to the mosque with him.

UN human rights chief Volker Türk said the way the operation was conducted suggested its aim was to expel as many Palestinians as possible and make way for more illegal Israeli settlements. 

He called on Israel to end what he described as its 59-year occupation of Palestinian territory and to comply with the International Court of Justice’s finding, more than two years ago, that it must end its unlawful presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory as rapidly as possible.

On 23 February 2025, Israel’s Defence Minister ordered the military to remain in the three camps and said displaced Palestinians would not be allowed to return. 

The UN’s Palestine refugee relief agency, UNRWA, says around 33,362 people remain displaced as of July this year.

UN News

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‘Displacement Steals a Person’s Life’ – Camp Palestinians in Lebanon Face Israeli Bombs

By Sama Abu Sharar

Iman al-Rifai did not choose to seek refuge in Burj al-Shamali in south Lebanon for the camp is far away from Lubya, her hometown in the Tiberias district. Nor did she choose to to move to al-Badawi camp in the north of the country. 

The forced displacement of Iman and her family was not their first in the latest Israeli war on Lebanon. It is their third. On the two previous occasions, they moved to Ain al-Hilweh camp in Sidon to remain close to their original camp.

In the 2024 war, Iman and her family were forced to flee to Syria and from there to Nahr al-Bared camp before returning to Burj al-Shamali after the ceasefire was declared. Each time, she preferred forced displacement to protect her children whilst leaving her husband behind. He like many of the other men, refused to leave, choosing to stay put despite the Israeli bombing. 

“I’m now displaced with my children. But I am also scared. Honestly, both options are difficult. Staying under bombardment is hard, and being displaced is also difficult, but you try as much as possible to protect your life and the lives of your children,” said Iman, pointing out the feeling of being lost about the decision to flee or not never leaves her. 

“Every time I’m forced to leave, I feel like I won’t come back. This feeling never leaves me, and it keeps me in a state of anxiety and fear. I’m even afraid to buy certain things. I feel that if I buy these things, it means I’m going to stay longer, I see it as a bad omen.”

Iman sums up displacement in one word: “Oppression.” It destroys a person from inside, the life of the family members is turned upside down, and this tremendously effects their psychological stability. “The anguish resulting from the past displacement of our families endured, and which we have experienced and has extended to our children. My children, who are not yet 17, already lived through two wars and five displacements, as if this is our fate in this country, as if this is what was written for us,” she ends with a sigh.

Iman’s situation is similar to that of many others, except for some of the details. Displacement, as everyone agrees is harsh in every aspect of life, regardless of whether one is in a shelter, with relatives, or in rented apartments.

Psychological Costs of Displacement

Bassam Jamil, who originally came from Tiberias, fled from Syria to Lebanon in 2013 during the Syrian war and eventually settled in Baalbek in the Bekaa Valley. But Lebanon has not been kind to Palestinian refugees especially from Syria like Jamil. It has placed more restrictions on them, even greater than those placed Palestinian refugees already living in Lebanon. This included the denial of legal residency and any other civil rights and leaving most of them fearful of being imprisoned, deported, or separated from the rest of the family. 

“Refuge is like a stone in our throats and chests, preventing us from talking or breathing,” said Jamil, who fled from the al-A’edeen camp in Syria to a rural area for several days before crossing the border into Lebanon.

His displacement journey did not end there. In the 2024 Israeli war on Lebanon, he was forced to flee to Zahle and seek refuge in a shelter in one of the city schools, with his Alzheimer’s-afflicted father, his mother, and sister. Unlike other Palestinians in Lebanon who are embraced by the local community in the different camps, Jamil has never felt he “belonged or even a warm welcome”. 

“Instead,” he says, “there is a strange competitiveness from the local community, as if our presence among them will deprive them of privileges and livelihoods.” Jamil believes “displacement to another camp is more difficult than displacement outside of it, given this strange competitiveness among the downtrodden.” He and his family have chosen to remain in Baalbek in this current war because of the great difficulties they faced during their previous displacements, economically and psychologically. 

“The act of being displaced is one that follows a state of emergency and this means we are not prepared for its psychological, financial, and even physical costs. For us, it is the implementation of a harsh judicial ruling against our will,” Jamil says with a sigh.

 Displacement Steals Human Lives

 The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), in its latest report on the emergency response in Lebanon—from May 20 till June 2—shows a 59 percent increase in the number of displaced refugees at the agency’s emergency shelters in the Siblin Institute in the south and the Battir School in the Nahr al-Bared camp in northern Lebanon. The increase from 1,264 to 2,148 displaced persons followed evacuation warnings and the ongoing Israeli aggression against camps and communities in Tyre, particularly the Rashidieh, Boss, and Burj al-Shamali camps.

 The UN agency indicates there are 728 displaced Lebanese, 724 displaced Palestinians from Lebanon, 436 displaced Syrians, 241 displaced Palestinians from Syria, 15 displaced persons of other nationalities, and four unregistered Palestinian refugees.

Rania Saadallah was forced to flee from the Rashidieh camp in Tyre to a relative’s home in Sidon. Her displacement was multiple; between the first and second displacement, she lost her ailing mother. “The hardest part about this displacement is leaving my mother alone, it’s as if I’m leaving a part of me in the south,” she explained. Saadallah hasn’t let the Israeli attacks and constant eviction notices stop her from sneaking out from time to time to visit her mother’s grave. However  she said that displacement steals a person’s life, “it’s as if you move from one world to another, a world that is alien to you, doesn’t belong to you, where the most basic elements of privacy are absent.”

Like other displaced refugees, Saadallah won’t even consider the possibility of not returning to return to her camp. “Its a slow death,” she said emphatically. For Saadallah and many like her, the camp has become “a small homeland” that cannot be severed from the refugee’s life. Just returning to the camp would revive our souls,” she pointed out.

Stations of Forced Displacement

The reality of forced displacement for Palestinian refugees is not limited to the 2024 and 2026 wars. Palestinian refugees have a long history of displacement during the past successive wars and internal conflicts in Lebanon. Studies indicate that there have been multiple waves of forced Palestinian displacement within Lebanon, beginning in the 1960s and continuing till this day. Some of these waves have led to the destruction of several Palestinian camps, such as Tal al-Zaatar, Jisr al-Basha, Nabatieh, and Nahr al-Bared, resulting in the displacement of many if its residents to other camps.

Historically, there has been a “demographic movement” within the camps, said Jaber Suleiman, a researcher in refugee and forced migration studies while attributing this movement to the destruction of the camps and/or other factors. Suleiman believes that under the current political conditions and the ongoing Israeli threat in the south and should it extend north of the Litani River, many residents of the camps and communities around Tyre who sought refuge in other camps may be forced to remain there, with some family members, with young people, staying in the original camp.

“The return of those who are displaced is linked to the return of the situation in the south to normalcy. If they cannot return quickly, they will remain in the camps they fled to and build new lives, as has happened before.”

Suleiman attributes the permenant displacement to economic factors and cost. “Those displaced to camps can stay with relatives or friends, and there is greater availability of aid from various organizations. Furthermore, many believe that displacement to a camp guarantees them a greater commitment from UNRWA,” he emphasized, adding that it is the “economic factors are the driving force and not location.”

Ali Hweidi, Director-General of the 302 Foundation for the Defense of Refugee Rights, agrees with this assessment, stressing the primary factor controlling the refugee displacement—whether to other camps, outside the camps, or reluctance to leave—is economic. 

Hweidi pointed to available statistics indicating that “a smaller number of displaced people went to UNRWA shelters in southern and northern Lebanon, while the majority moved to camps, communities, and cities north of the Zahrani River, such as Mieh Mieh and Ain al-Hilweh camps, the city of Sidon, Wadi al-Zina, and others.” 

He added most of these refugees are staying with acquaintances or relatives because renting is virtually impossible, “which places an additional burden on relatives and acquaintances,” especially since the unemployment rate among Palestinian refugees, according to UNRWA, has reached 45 percent, while the poverty rate exceeded 80 percent before the latest Israeli aggression. But Huweidi attributed the reluctance of some to flee to two reasons: Financial constraints and a lack of privacy.

A study by the Palestinian Human Rights Organization “Shahed,” published last March, indicated that the Israeli war contributed to deepening the economic crisis for Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, the majority of whom live below the poverty line and rely primarily on humanitarian aid. The study also showed the disruption of economic activity and the closure of many facilities and services as a result of the Israeli bombing and led to increased unemployment and food insecurity in the camps.

According to the study, many refugees lost their jobs outside the camps, specifically in cities like Beirut and Tyre, due to security risks and movement restrictions imposed in the war, leaving many families without any source of income. The “Shahed” study indicated concerns about deteriorating living conditions and food insecurity have become a real preoccupation for Palestinian refugees, hiking up psychological stress and social tension among camp residents.

Who is meeting the needs of the displaced?

The majority of Palestinian refugees displaced by this last war believe the shortcomings in providing assistance extend to all parties, from UNRWA to the various Palestinian factions and Lebanese state. The role of UNRWA has been limited to providing two shelters and some in-kind and cash assistance.

 “The biggest pitfall for UNRWA was its lack of an emergency plan and pre-prepared scenarios for dealing with the displacement, despite many indicators which point to a security breakdown in Lebanon and the direct and indirect impact on the camps,” explained Hweidi. He noted UNRWA launched its emergency plan after the start of the Israeli aggression against Lebanon and allocated a budget exceeding $12 million to meet the needs. “However, it is striking that the agency relies primarily on its partners to provide everything within the shelters—food, water, and other necessities—and then distributes it.”

Suleiman pointed out to the historical failure to meet the needs of displaced persons, whether during the Lebanese Civil War or subsequent Israeli wars on Lebanon, by either UNRWA or other Palestinian factions. “The scale of the needs is always far greater than the services provided, given the ongoing deficit in UNRWA’s budget, which only allows it to offer the bare minimum, such as opening shelters,” he continued.

Suleiman and Hweidi agree the Palestinian factions offer virtually nothing. “The role of the different factions is limited to counting the displaced persons in the camps.” Suleiman sarcastically remarks: “The factions’ role has become limited to criticizing UNRWA rather than providing services,” placing the greatest burden on the UN agency and civil society.

Walid al-Ahmad, secretary of the Popular Committee in the Mar Elias camp in Beirut, says the displaced people seek the help of the Popular Committee upon their arrival at the camp. The committee role is usually collecting data of the families sheltering in the camp, and these are mostly Lebanese. He did however, say some Palestinian families who were displaced came to Burj al-Barajneh when Beirut’s southern suburb was threatened and faced eviction notices by the Israelis.

Al-Ahmad said as well that the main reason why displaced people contact Popular Committees is because of the services they provide. “As the Popular Committee in the Mar Elias camp, we have provided mattresses, blankets, personal hygiene items, and some food supplies since the beginning of the displacement, in addition to providing hot meals.” 

He added that some organizations have also provided parcels, food, psychological support, and supplies for the elderly, as well as organizing recreational activities for the displaced. 

In this context, social activist Dalal Shahrour, in the Beddawi camp, confirms the number of displaced families in the camp, according to the latest statistics from the Popular Committee, reached 400. “What usually happens is that the displaced persons stay with relatives until they can rent their own home. Those who cannot afford to rent are transferred by the Popular Committee to the shelter in the Batir school in the Nahr al-Bared camp,” Shahrour explained, emphasizing that the majority of displaced people go to the Popular Committee to register because various organizations rely on the data provided by the Popular Committees to distribute aid. She confirmed that only a small number of those who are well-off do not wish to receive aid register with the Popular Committee.

Shahrour considers the fluctuating number of displaced people, especially during this war, to be one of the most significant challenges facing the committee. “The numbers change with every ceasefire announcement and every evacuation notice,” she said, adding the scarcity of aid is another challenge to meet the need of the displaced.

With each wave of displacement, displaced persons lose a part of themselves and their human dignity. With each wave of displacement, the chances of survival in an environment fraught with daily challenges diminish.

“We face, as much as possible, the choice between waiting or pursuing the dream of return—two oppressive paths, each with its own heavy price,” says Bassam Jamil. Have the dreams of displaced refugees, once focused on returning to their villages and cities in occupied Palestine, now narrowed down to return to the camps, homes, and lives they were forced to leave behind?

This article, originally written in Arabic, appeared in Al Quds Al Arabi and reprinted in crossfirearabia.com.

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