BEIRUT—On March 28, George Saeed, 62, and his 24-year-old son Elie were driving back to their home in Debel, a village in southern Lebanon close to the border with Israel. It was a route Saeed knew well. He ran a small laundromat beneath his house, where he washed uniforms for a Polish unit in the United Nations peacekeeping force stationed in the nearby village of Tiri. The trip from Tiri used to take a few minutes, but after the main road was bombed by the invading Israeli military he had begun taking a longer route through the neighboring village of Rmeich.
That afternoon, villagers saw George’s car pass through Rmeich and enter Debel, disappearing along the village’s steep, winding roads. When they were roughly 60 meters from their house, the crackle of gunfire rang out, followed by the blare of a stuck car horn.
Elie Louqa, Saeed’s nephew and the former mayor of Debel, was in Beirut when he got a call from his brother describing what had happened. He began contacting UN peacekeepers (UNIFIL), the Lebanese Army, and the Red Cross, asking them to reach the car. Both the Red Cross unit in Rmeich and the nearby UNIFIL contingent told Louqa they could not secure permission from their superiors to move.
After about 90 minutes, a group of young men from the village decided to go themselves. Carrying white blankets and mattresses to signal they were civilians, they reached the site of the attack and found the father and son dead inside their bullet-ridden car. They pulled the bodies out and carried them to the village cemetery for burial.“You won’t find a man with cleaner hands. He was generous to a fault,” Louqa told Drop Site News. “Go and ask the people of our villages who George Saeed was.
”The killings were just one in a series of attacks on residents of several villages along the southern border who have chosen to remain in their homes despite repeated sweeping displacement orders by the Israeli military covering all of southern Lebanon.
Earlier this week, the Lebanese army announced its forces had withdrawn from southern border villages, leaving residents without even the semblance of protection. At least six Lebanese soldiers have been killed by Israel over the past month. The army said its troops had to “reposition” as they were being encircled and cut off from their supply lines but claimed it continued to “stand by residents” by “maintaining a group of military personnel” in the villages. What this meant in practice, according to residents, was that soldiers from the area could stay in their homes provided they did not wear army uniforms or carry arms.
“We don’t know why the army made this decision,” said Boutros al-Rai, a local farmer and civilian administrator. “For us, its presence made us feel protected.”Drop Site News is reader-supported. Consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.
Lebanon is being ravaged as Israel’s escalated assault enters its second month. More than 1,300 people have been killed, including over 120 children, and over 4,000 injured in a relentless onslaught. Israel has issued displacement orders covering around 15% of Lebanese territory and more than 1.1 million people—about a fifth of the country’s population—have been forced from their homes. Emergency workers have also been increasingly targeted, with over 50 killed over the past four weeks.
Despite a ceasefire agreement in November 2024, Israel continued to carry out near daily attacks and occupied five hilltop positions on Lebanese territory. When Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel on March 2 in solidarity with Iran after the U.S. and Israel launched a war on Tehran, Israel launched a full scale aerial assault and ground invasion on Lebanon.
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz announced on Tuesday that the Israeli military plans to occupy the entire area south of the Litani River and will not allow hundreds of thousands of residents to return to their homes, making a reference to areas in Gaza that have been completely razed in the genocide. “The return of over 600,000 residents of the area south of the Litani River will be completely prohibited until the safety and security of residents of the north is ensured, similar to the model of Rafah and Beit Hanoun in the Gaza Strip,” Katz said.
The Israeli military also appears to be engaged in a campaign to ethnically cleanse southern Lebanon of its Shia residents. Around three weeks ago, Israeli military officials called the heads of a cluster of majority Christian villages in southeastern Lebanon and ordered them to force out any “displaced people” that had taken refuge there, according to a municipal official in one of the villages, who spoke to Drop Site on condition of anonymity. “Displaced people” was a thinly-veiled reference to Shia residents who had been forced to flee nearby towns like Khiam.
U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa used explicitly sectarian language two weeks ago in referencing Israel’s military campaign in the south. “We asked the Israelis to leave the Christian villages in southern Lebanon and requested that the army keep a unit stationed there,” Issa said in a meeting with Maronite Patriarch Cardinal Mar Bechara Boutros Rah.
Over the past week, the Israeli military made a new round of phone calls to leaders in majority Sunni villages Chebaa and Kfarchouba, warning them to not accept any non-locals into their village. Mohammad Hammoud, a spokesperson for the town of Chebaa, confirmed the authenticity of a video circulating online showing a call received on Tuesday by local leader Ibrahim Nabaa. Over the phone, an Israeli soldier warned that the village would be targeted if officials failed to keep resistance fighters out. Hammoud said that the municipality had organized a small police force to conduct patrols at night and make sure no outsiders entered—measures that, he hoped, would spare residents their homes and land.
As part of its invasion of southern Lebanon, the Israeli military is in the midst of a scorched earth campaign, systematically destroying homes and civilian infrastructure in border villages. Louqa, the former mayor of Debel, said he fielded frantic calls on Wednesday from village residents who told him that occupation forces had begun to blow up homes on the village periphery. The homes were empty, he explained, because in times of war, residents often move closer to the village center for safety.
“These homes are in Debel—not on the outskirts, not kilometers away,” Boutros al-Rai, a local official told Drop Site, adding that at least 10 houses had been demolished on Wednesday alone. “They’re blowing them up one by one. We don’t know why or how.”Around 1,700 people remain in Debel, according to al-Rai, down from 2,500 before the war. Once the escalation began on March 2, residents started making trips to the nearby village of Rmeich to buy essential goods. But after the killing of George and Elie Saeed last week, and without any support from UNIFIL or the withdrawn Lebanese army, that route was no longer considered safe.
“People have supplies for a week or two,” al-Rai said. “They rely on each other. But it’s not enough for much longer.”
Access to medical care is also severely limited. In Rmeich, where about 6,000 people remain, there is no hospital. Residents depend on coordinated evacuations, typically requiring approval from the Lebanese Army as well as UNIFIL, which then communicates with Israeli occupation forces.
Elie Shoufani, a local official and Red Cross volunteer, said the process is inconsistent. “Sometimes we get permission quickly, sometimes we don’t.”Earlier this week, a 48-year-old man, Paul Mu’awwad, went into cardiac arrest and died before he could get treatment. “We didn’t get permission to take him for emergency care,” Shoufani said, adding that Mu’awwad had left behind a wife and six children. “If we had been able to reach a hospital, he might have lived.
”Over the past month, residents in Debel, Rmeich, and nearby Ein Ebl have relied largely on aid convoys from the International Committee of the Red Cross, which in the past have been accompanied by the Lebanese army.
“Now that the army has left, we don’t know what will happen,” Shoufani said.UNIFIL troops have also limited their movement after Israeli airstrikes killed three Indonesian peacekeepers in southern Lebanon over a 24 hour period last week. Residents say this has further reduced their options.
“All we ask is for a way to move the injured or reach medical care,” Louqa said. “A mechanism to respond when we call. God will take care of the rest.”Al-Rai described the difficulty and humiliation of displacement in a state with overburdened shelters and skyrocketing rents. More than anything, he worried that if he abandoned his home, it would be destroyed by Israeli occupation forces. He, like the others in his village, was determined to stay put.
“These are our homes, our livelihoods, our villages, the homes of our parents and grandparents,” he said. “These are not places that can be left behind.” Drop Site
Since last Wednesday, the Israeli army has continued targeting the network of roads and bridges that link Lebanon to its south. In addition to pressuring the Lebanese government to make concessions in Lebanon and possibly beyond, the Israeli army claimed that targeting the Qasmiyeh bridge and other bridges is intended to prevent the transfer of military supplies to southern Lebanon. However, military experts questioned this justification, noting that Israeli aircraft maintain intense air dominance over the routes leading to the south, which undermines the credibility of this claim. Sources believe that targeting infrastructure, especially bridges and roads, aims to isolate the southern region in preparation for occupying it and turning it into a “buffer zone”.
After the 1982 invasion, Israel maintained a buffer zone in southern Lebanon for 15 years. It was meant to prevent attacks but instead created local resistance and required constant military presence, ending with a unilateral Israeli withdrawal in 2000.
Buffer zones as a military solution in the region were tested between 1985 and 2000. In the 2006 Lebanon War, Israel avoided re-occupying Lebanon, relying instead on air power and UN peacekeepers (United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon). Now, in 2026, Israel is returning to buffer zone thinking. Current discussions of a 10-15 km buffer zone show that Israel is returning to a doctrine it once abandoned as distancing itself from its enemy is more important than before.
Meanwhile, air raids continue to target the Lebanese capital, Beirut, and its southern suburbs. Residential areas and neighborhoods near Beirut and in the coastal city of Sidon are also being targeted under the pretext of assassinating figures and cadres linked to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard.
On the southern front, the Israeli army has been facing major difficulties in advancing and consolidating its positions since March 2. Hezbollah in Lebanon targeted Israeli troops at dozens of locations.
Ground combat tactics against the Israeli ground maneuver
Hezbollah carried out strikes against concentrations of soldiers and vehicles in different border villages. These attacks were carried out using rockets and artillery shells.
Operations extended beyond the border line, where Hezbollah support units targeted military positions and fixed barracks, as well as newly established sites in Jabal al-Bat and Nimer al-Jamal. Strikes also repeatedly hit the Avivim barracks, as well as Ramot Naftali, Branit, Hounin, Nahal Gershom base, and the Meron Air Surveillance Base.
Both Hezbollah and the Israeli army also carried out psychological and media operations associated with the ground maneuver, including threats, intimidation, low-altitude aircraft flights, and air raids conducted at night or at dawn. Settlers were also used in messaging to suggest that failure to negotiate would expose Lebanon to destruction similar to Gaza, or to incite Lebanese public opinion against a particular sectarian group and the environment that supports confrontation with Israel.
Overall assessment
In summary, the ongoing confrontation since March 2 reveals a gap between Israeli rhetoric and action. Despite statements about deploying three full military divisions, these forces rely heavily on air strikes to flush out Hezbollah fighters positioned inside villages and in the surrounding wooded terrain.
Hezbollah initially responded by targeting troop concentrations with rockets from outside the area south of the Litani River in the early days, and also struck D-9 bulldozers from areas far from the front line, while its special units advanced and seized forward positions. There was also discussion of advances along the Khiam-Marjayoun axis, with the understanding that the advance aimed to encircle the city of Nabatieh in the south and push through the Sahmar axis toward an unspecified town to reach Lake Qaraoun, similar to what Israel did on the Syrian front when it took control of the Yarmouk basin.
A notable development was the use of explosive drones similar to tactics used in Ukraine. On Friday, armed drones were used to strike a rear-area position on the Israeli side. This was considered the second major tactical surprise to enter the battlefield after the previous confrontation in 2024 during the “66-day battle.”
Israeli attacks on Iran and the entry of Iranian missiles targeting Israeli troop concentrations and fortifications around the town of Khiam suggest that the linkage of fronts — from southern Lebanon to Iraq and Iran — indicates that the Khatam al-Anbiya headquarters in Iran is directing a confrontation against Israeli destabilization and US military presence across a theater stretching from the eastern Mediterranean to the Gulf.
The author is the director of the Institute for Strategic and Communication Studies in Lebanon (Isticharia-ISCS).Anadolu
A legendary political prisoner, recently freed after 41 years in French prison, Georges Abdallah offers a revolutionary manifesto where he speaks about his unwavering views on Palestine, resistance, liberation, and the future of the Arab world.
Our meeting with the legendary Georges Abdallah was scheduled for four o’clock on a Wednesday afternoon. We left Beirut around 11:30 a.m. to arrive on time at his home in Koubeiyat, in the north of the country. In Tripoli, Dalal Shahrour and Nazira El Hajj, two women activists from the Beddawi and Naher El Bared Palestinian refugee camps, joined us, as eager as we were to meet one of our remaining heroes.
We arrived at 3:30, and were welcomed by Abdallah’s niece, his brother Robert, and his sister. We joined them on the balcony of their warm family home and were greeted with a cold drink and sweets, a custom in Arab culture for joyous occasions. We congratulated the family on Abdallah’s release and inquired about the time allocated for the interview. Robert told us we would have half an hour, and we tried to bargain for more.
A bit later, we were allowed inside the house where Georges was sitting. He stood up and greeted us warmly, as if we had known each other for years. His presence was so powerful even before he uttered a word. We briefly introduced ourselves and The Palestine Chronicle and presented him with a copy of a book by another revolutionary before diving into our countless questions.
In our one-hour conversation, we touched on Georges’ life in prison and after his liberation, before moving on to issues like Palestine, Lebanon, the future of Zionism as embodied in the Israeli entity, the crisis of the Palestinian national project, the relationship between socialism and Islamic resistance, and more. Georges’s iron will and solid principles are intact and present in every breath he takes and every word he utters. He is convinced that the resistance in Palestine and Lebanon is the answer to the ongoing Israeli occupation and that Israel, which embodies the Western imperialist project, has reached the final chapter of its existence.
Read more in the full interview.
‘Prison Does Not Change Fighters’
Samaa Abu Sharar (The Palestine Chronicle): We all know George Abdallah as an international activist who dedicated his life to just causes, most notably the Palestinian cause and the fight against colonialism in all its forms. How would you present yourself?
Georges Abdallah: (I am) a fighter amongst our Arab fighters, a fighter of the Palestinian revolution, and a fighter of the Lebanese resistance against imperialist and Zionist oppression. Our activism stems from our assessment that the Zionist entity is an organic extension of Western imperialism. We consider that this entity has currently reached the final chapter of its existence, and, therefore, it will unleash all its barbaric and murderous reserves on our people. The masses of our people must prepare for this stage, keeping in mind that they will prevail over this entity.
What you say is completely in line with how many people view you: as an icon of resistance who represents the correct compass of our great struggle. So there is no difference between how Georges Abdallah sees himself and how people see him.
Our people have great confidence in the Palestinian resistance, so any expression of resistance is highly esteemed. Our people are prepared to provide a lot of support and facilitate the struggle. What is happening in Gaza and the West Bank today confirms this. As an ordinary fighter in the ranks of the resistance, historically, I see that our people are steadfast. There are loopholes, as always happens in revolutions, but this does not stop us. The masses in Gaza embrace their emaciated children, continue to resist, and refuse to raise the white flag. Thus, we can say that the resistance is in great shape despite all the subjective and objective problems.
Georges Abdallah: Prison does not change fighters. In reality, prison helps shape sound positions if the required solidarity from resistance forces is available, and this is what happened with me.
Palestine Chronicle: This means that Georges Abdallah, who was imprisoned 41 years ago, came out of prison the same man?
Georges Abdallah: An older fighter, with more experience and more willingness to give.
Palestine Chronicle: How did you relate to time while in prison?
Georges Abdallah: In fact, time in prison for fighters and activists is a framework within which life’s priorities are organized. If the activist has found solidarity—in other words, if he has a group of people who make solidarity a practical expression within the daily struggle of our nation’s masses—then the imprisoned activist is simply a fighter doing what he must under exceptional circumstances.
Time becomes tight, as he doesn’t have enough time to do whatever he deems appropriate to support the struggle, whether in terms of reading, interventions, or other things. This applied to me.
Palestine Chronicle: So, time was tight for you in prison?
Georges Abdallah: Time was not sufficient to do what is required of fighters and activists. I did all I could within my modest capabilities.
Palestine Chronicle: You said in your interview with Al Mayadeen that your day in prison was very organized and that you had a daily schedule that involved much reading of the mail you received. With whom did you correspond while in prison?
Georges Abdallah: With fighters and activists who were in prison or remained in prison, with my family, and with friends. This is normal, considering there were facilities that were secured through the struggle of the masses in this country or that. In French prisons, a telephone was made available to call whomever you wish, provided you gave the number to the relevant authorities. Accordingly, you could contact anyone you wished.
Books were provided by comrades, so you had ample opportunities for reading and doing other things. However, it takes a lot of time to read everything that needs to be read and to participate in the ongoing debate on these matters.
Palestine Chronicle: Were you one of the people who made many phone calls?
Georges Abdallah: One of the people who did what he had to do.
Palestine Chronicle: Were the phone calls more with friends or family members?
Georges Abdallah: The family was certainly within the circle of communication. There is a continuum, so to speak, that extends from home to the arena of struggle. The concerns of the homeland are an essential part of my life, so communication is constant through family, friends, loved ones, and all other expressions of struggle present in our country and abroad. I did not feel alienated in this regard.
Palestine Chronicle: Were you subjected to any psychological or physical violations while in prison?
Georges Abdallah: I was subjected to everything fighters and activists are subjected to. I can say that all the procedures didn’t constitute a problem for me. In other words, from a personal perspective, I wasn’t subjected to any particular pressure, and from an objective perspective, I had plenty of resources that were made available by my numerous comrades.
There were a large number of comrades, and they alternated so they could all come to see me in prison. Therefore, I never experienced the feeling of alienation or isolation. The solidarity movement is part of the daily struggle; therefore, there was no personal anguish in that sense. There is a struggle with time. I wanted to use all of this time to enhance my readings and interventions for as long as possible. However, there are limits to this time because of life’s priorities.
Palestine Chronicle: What did you miss most while in prison, besides freedom, of course?
Georges Abdallah: In reality, I missed all aspects of life and all its expressions.
Palestine Chronicle: Such as?
Georges Abdallah: Everything. It’s not easy to say what I missed most: family, loved ones, the stars, the trees, and the animals. You miss the comrades, you miss your discussions with them; there is no set priority.
Palestine Chronicle: If you could go back in time, is there anything you would have done differently in your struggle?
Georges Abdallah: I am not currently engaging in self-criticism of my struggle. Throughout my struggle, I have done everything I consider appropriate for the path of struggle. Certainly, as with everyone else, there are successes and failures, and there is the possibility to improve this or that.
However, overall, I am satisfied with my path of struggle. Despite its modesty, it is acceptable as any other fighter or activist of our people within the framework of the available popular base.
‘The Resistance is in Great Shape’
Palestine Chronicle: Let’s talk about Palestine and Lebanon. You said in more than one interview that solidarity with Georges Abdallah was equal to, or part of, solidarity with Palestine.
Georges Abdallah: Solidarity with Georges Abdallah only takes on meaning when it falls within the framework of the struggle against the war of genocide in Gaza. This is within the path of struggle that falls under the issues of solidarity, not outside this framework or parallel to it. It falls within this framework, and I think it was very effective.
Palestine Chronicle: In your opinion, if it weren’t for the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation, would you be among us today?
Georges Abdallah: The “Al Aqsa Flood” is a very important operation. However, my case does not fall within this framework without going into details of the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation. The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation is very good in terms of its timing and effectiveness. Although we may find a loophole here or there, we are not in a position to beat ourselves up; we are in a position to evaluate the operation itself.
This operation came at the right time, is very appropriate, and has moved the struggle forward, placing new responsibilities on the shoulders of those who carried it out and lived it. I hope that the comrades within the framework of the Palestinian revolution will succeed in examining the national program of the Palestinian revolution. We know that there is a historical impasse facing the Palestinian national program.
Certainly, the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation has a role to play in clarifying some aspects and correcting some deviations. However, without resolving the crisis of the Palestinian national project, we will remain stuck and pay a heavy price. It is the responsibility of all forces in the Palestinian arena to work on overcoming this crisis because it is a crisis, not a matter of national or non-national unity. The crisis is deeper than that, and it is the responsibility of all active forces to do what they must to deserve to be part of the Palestinian national liberation movement.
Palestine Chronicle: What is this crisis?
Georges Abdallah: The crisis affects all aspects of the entire Palestinian national project. Israel is an organic extension of Western imperialism. Israel is not a colony or merely a settlement. It is an organic extension of this imperialist West. Therefore, confronting this imperialist West requires confronting the crisis of the imperialist system in its capitalist form. Those who confront this organic extension must stand on a ground hostile to capitalism.
Therefore, the leadership of the Palestinian bourgeoisie, in its various expressions—Islamic, nationalist, semi-nationalist, state-oriented, etc.—faces a problem in this regard. And the Palestinian left is in a very embarrassing situation, having so far been unable to build a national unity to confront this organic extension and failed to affirm national unity. Of course, these are great responsibilities that fall on everyone’s shoulders.
Nevertheless, the resistance is in great shape. The masses of our people continue to confront the Zionist enemy with great and advanced effectiveness, although the children of Gaza are emaciated and in dire need of a glass of milk. However, Gaza will not raise the white flag, and this is a very important issue. As for how we move forward, that is a matter for the Palestinian leadership to determine.
Palestine Chronicle: But we are keen to hear what you have to say in this regard!
Georges Abdallah: Everyone is concerned, but the actual leaders of the Palestinian revolution know best and are required to answer a number of questions. They are required to provide an answer on the crisis of this national project, the Oslo crisis, the crisis of the Palestinian Authority, the crisis of the division between Fatah and Hamas, the crisis of the dispersion of Palestinian forces, the crisis of the retirement of entire organizations that have been transformed into names without titles, the crisis of the mother of the Palestinian revolution, Fatah.
Where is Fatah and what is Fatah now? Where is Fatah and where is Hamas? What are they both doing? The crisis is complex and has numerous aspects. The Palestinian people have the intellectual, organizational, and resistance abilities to address this crisis, but a lot is required on all levels. It is not acceptable that there are around 60,000 full-time fighters with the Palestinian Authority whose task is limited to security coordination with Israel. And when we speak of national unity, which national unity are we talking about? A unity in which 60,000 fighters chase the Fedayeen (freedom fighters-PC) and hand them over to Israel, versus those who see their children dying of hunger and are still holding the flag! We all certainly know the dangers of a civil war, but the dilemma of the national project remains.
The leaders of all Palestinian organizations agreed on something at the Beijing conference, but what was its result? The result was the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh. Why assassinate Haniyeh? Because he was part of the wing in Hamas who called for unity. This does not mean that the Palestinian Authority welcomed the call. This is the crisis of the national project. Those who bear the responsibility are those in Palestine and outside of Palestine; they are the resistance fighters in Gaza and the West Bank, and even those who are part of the Palestinian Authority and inside the Israeli prisons. It is certainly a major crisis, but I am sure that the active members of Palestinian society will be able to overcome it.
‘No Heaven without Gaza’
Palestine Chronicle: You spoke briefly about the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation. Were you surprised when you first heard about it?
Georges Abdallah: The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation surprised everyone, and that in itself is an issue and falls within the scope of the crisis of the national project. This certainly does not undermine its value. “Al Aqsa Flood” marked a turning point in the history of the conflict with Israel, but it also imposes enormous responsibilities on everyone. The enemy is well aware that it is now in the final chapter of its existence; it is not a matter of a military setback. The “Al Aqsa Flood” operation is the first step in determining the priorities of this final chapter.
Everyone must rise to this responsibility, especially those in charge of the priorities of the struggle in Palestine and outside Palestine. The Arab street also bears a responsibility, and those in charge of the national project must ask the question: why this abandonment on the part of the Arab street?
The Palestinian leadership is no stranger to this abandonment. When Egypt and the UAE are playing the roles of mediators, how can we expect the Egyptian masses to apologize for not being at the forefront of the struggle? This is a tremendous crisis. The value of the Palestinian revolution lies in its role as a lever of the Arab revolution. It is the historical lever of the Arab revolution, but it is no longer playing its role for several reasons. The Palestinian leadership must answer why it abandoned this role.
I see Qatar, which hosts the main base of American imperialism, as a mediator. The question is: a mediator between whom and whom? I also see Egypt, with a population of 120 million Arabs, as a mediator. The same question applies. Egypt is Al Azhar (considered the largest Islamic institution in the Arab World-PC), and Al Azhar is not a tourist agency; it is a civilized institution that encompasses all the values of this nation with people of different colors. Eighty million people consider Al Azhar their (moral) authority. Where are the eighty million? Who is responsible for their inaction? Al Azhar is the one responsible for them. What has it done, and what is the role of the Palestinian revolution in this context?
It suffices that one of the eighty million, meaning one million, move toward Rafah and perform prayers there. They are not required to carry a gun and offer it to Hamas or the Popular Front (for the Liberation of Palestine – a socialist organization-PC) or any other faction; all they have to do is offer a cup of water or a cup of milk to the children of Gaza. Al Azhar is responsible for this inaction. It must know that its prayers are not accepted if they are not held at the crossing to Gaza. It must also be known that there is no path to heaven for all believers in Egypt because the children of Palestine have occupied all the roads while they are ascending to heaven. Those who wish to enter heaven must come to Gaza; otherwise, there is no heaven for them.
Al Azhar, along with the Sheikhs of Palestine and the leaders of the Islamic movements, know this all too well. They are the ones to determine whether Egypt is a mediator or a partner in this genocide. They also know whether Saudi Arabia and Mohammad Bin Abdallah are playing their role or not. The Kaaba of Mohammad Bin Abdallah is not an antique vessel; it embodies everything this nation has. Where is it in all this?
Palestine Chronicle: Do you agree with those who say that the Arab people are powerless, ruled by dictators and agents of the Israeli entity?
Georges Abdallah: This is utterly unacceptable. The Arab regimes are not agents; they are actually participating in the ongoing genocide, and this is certainly not up for discussion. What I see, however, is that not a single person in Egypt was killed in the street while demonstrating, simply because they did not demonstrate. Where are they from young Greta, who came all the way from Sweden to raise a glass of water in solidarity with Gaza? Where are they from Rima Al Hassan, who came from Belgium and raised a glass of milk in solidarity with Gaza?
Where are the sailors of Egypt? These activists came in a boat not even fit to carry fish, and the sailors of Egypt watch like “monkeys.” Where is the Palestinian revolution in all this? Betrayal is in the entire Arab world; a demonstration in Yemen or in other Arab cities is not enough. Where is Jordan? Where are the masses of Jordan? Where are the 60% of the people of Amman who are originally Palestinians? Certainly, all this falls within the crisis of the national project, because these forces are responsible for national action. The Palestinian national action either works to elevate Palestine as a revolutionary lever for the entire Arab nation or works to shield these regimes.
Palestine Chronicle: Following the atrocities in Gaza, many who were believers in the resistance project have stopped being so. What do you say to that?
Georges Abdallah: I don’t see such people. I see parents in Gaza watching their children trembling as skeletons and still raising the red flag, not the white flag. Gaza has not yet raised the white flag, and the masses of Gaza will not leave Gaza. There is no time to self-flagellate or claim that morale has collapsed.
In Gaza, there are heroes. There are no people on this planet like those in Gaza. Gaza has been hit three times more than what hit Hiroshima was. 17,000 tons of explosives in Gaza, while Dresden in Germany was hit with 5,000 tons. Gaza did not surrender while Dresden fell. Today, there isn’t a single city in Europe that does not raise the Palestinian keffiyeh, the symbol of freedom.
The Palestinian revolution has historically never been as prominent on the global stage as it is now. The problem remains in our national project, in our national leadership. The masses of the world, all over the planet, stand with Gaza. Do our leaders really stand with Gaza? When 30 to 35 percent of the Jewish youth in America raise the Palestinian keffiyeh and the Palestinian flag and declare that this Zionist entity is the enemy of the Jewish people and of Palestine, what does this mean? It means that the countdown to Israel’s existence has started. Where are our leaders in all this? It’s not enough for leaders to be martyred or chased after. They need to pinpoint the energy of the masses and be able to invest in it. Again, this is not happening because this is part of the crisis we spoke about.
Let us not forget that over 50 percent of the prisoners of the Palestinian revolution in Israeli jails are from Fatah, but it is also Fatah that brokered the Oslo Accords, and it is the one that caused the crisis of the national project. Nonetheless, Fatah remains the mother of martyrs, the mother of the revolution, and the mother of prisoners. This is the dilemma of the national project. How do we explain that over 50 percent of Fatah members are in Israeli captivity, while there are 60,000 Fatah fighters who are mercenaries under the command of (PA President Mahmoud) Abbas and others? This embodies the national project crisis.
These issues need to be addressed by the leadership of the Fatah movement. It is a reality we must confront. How will they confront it? The forces that lead the Palestinian struggle everywhere must answer these questions. They should also provide an answer regarding the status of our camps outside of Palestine and their fate. The Palestinian revolution is a revolution of camps. The Palestinian people are a people of camps. There are no Palestinian people without camps. Camps are the Palestinian identity. Where are our camps today? What is Sabra and Shatila today? What is the percentage of Palestinians inside the camp? What is their future? The relevant leaders must answer.
These places are semi-liberated in principle and are not places of security chaos as we are told. They are semi-liberated because they bear all the characteristics of the liberation of Palestine; they are not hubs that bear the characteristics of prostitution, drug smuggling, etc. Who bears the responsibility for the camps? Again, this is the crisis of the national project.
Palestine Chronicle: What will the scene in Palestine be like after the genocide in Gaza?
Georges Abdallah: The genocide in Gaza will not continue. The genocide will not succeed, and Gaza and the West Bank will triumph as Israel witnesses the last chapter of its existence, and this is not a poetic speech.
Palestine Chronicle: You have repeated this in more than one interview.
Georges Abdallah: I am not the only one to repeat it. We have to understand that Israel has never been through what it is currently going through; this is why it will use its entire barbaric stockpile on us. This will translate into intensifying its killing machine to the maximum. Israel will throw all its unexploited barbarism at our masses in the coming days, weeks, and months. What are the leaders of the national project going to do in light of this? How will those who planned the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation face this? These are questions that require answers from all factions.
When a leader like Yehya Sinwar falls as a martyr and not a fugitive in a shelter in Qatar or somewhere else, his resistance is bound to triumph. Our people’s resistance will triumph. It will triumph because of people like Sinwar and Haniyeh who neither fled nor sought ‘peace’. These leaders and their resistance cannot be defeated. Our people are aware of this and will not raise the white flag, neither in Gaza nor anywhere else. Accordingly, the responsibility of the current leaders is immense to find solutions for the national crisis. These solutions will inevitably come, although we surely regret that they are delayed because the human cost is immense.
Resolving the Left-Islamic Dilemma
Palestine Chronicle: Could the Gaza genocide kick-start a world revolution?
Georges Abdallah: It is bound to happen, if not today, then tomorrow. The greatest responsibility falls on the shoulders of the leaders of the revolution; they are the ones to anticipate the next stage, not me.
Palestine Chronicle: How do you view the Islamic revolutions in the Arab world? Your approach seems to be different from many leftists. We have the impression that you view the issue from an operational perspective rather than an ideological one. Is this accurate?
Georges Abdallah: We are not engaged in an ideological competition; we have Arab masses, the majority of whom are Muslim. This is the organic makeup of our nation. This is not an ideological choice. These people resist with whatever is at their disposal, be it the Quran, a scientific analysis, or a missile. It is the responsibility of those in charge of the struggle to determine what is at the disposal of the Arab masses.
When the Egyptian plays the mediator and the Qatari hosts the biggest American base, what message am I giving to the Arab masses? Do I expect that meeting with Egyptian intelligence, so they can coordinate with Qatari and American intelligence, will find me a way out of the revolution crisis or the national project crisis? I doubt it. All these actions contribute to the impasse we find ourselves in, including the inaction of the Arab masses.
Palestine Chronicle: Do you think there can be a meeting point between the left and the current Islamic revolutions?
Georges Abdallah: All liberation movements have established a national project within which all societal actors work. Wherever a revolution triumphs, it does so through national unity. But that unity is not that of one person meeting with another; it actually entails the meeting of the entire popular bloc together to champion a project.
Let’s take Al Azhar again. As any Arab or activist connected to Palestine, I don’t view it in light of the relationship between Marxist ideology and Islamic ideology, but rather in view of its objective position within the framework of our people’s movement. The same applies to Mecca. I don’t look at it from an ideological perspective but rather from its significance to Muslims around the world. What have those in charge of the national project done with their ‘Qiblah’ to incite the masses of the world to move toward Palestine? I don’t say this because I’m a communist or because I’m a believer; I say this as any person with the slightest connection to the conflict who looks at this matter and says, this is simply inconceivable.
Lebanon: Resisting vs ‘Watching’
Palestine Chronicle: Moving to Lebanon, away from slogans, how do you see the situation there?
Georges Abdallah: The situation is delicate, but it is also good. The resistance has sacrificed the best of its leaders as martyrs.
Palestine Chronicle: But there is a deep division in the country.
Georges Abdallah: What we have in Lebanon is not different from any other country in the world. In all the resistance movements of the world, you will find people who will sacrifice themselves in defense of their country and cowards who simply watch. In the entire world, there isn’t a country where the resistance enjoys the support of all the people. Sectarian affiliation is another issue, but I ask: who is behind the project that defends Lebanon’s identity and dignity? The resistance. There is an occupation; thus, the resistance is the initial response. Outside of the resistance, there is no solution with a national character.
You can say all you want about this resistance—that it needs to represent all the Lebanese people, or it needs to be this or that. However, for you to have the right to speak, you must be on the side of the resistance, not the occupation. If you are on the side of the occupation, then you have no right to speak or even exist. When your country is under occupation, whoever stands with the enemy, regardless of their status or justifications, has no right to even exist.
Palestine Chronicle: So, what do we do with these people?
Georges Abdallah: This is the responsibility of the resistance and the resistance masses: to figure out how to isolate the forces that cooperate with the enemy and open up to the masses of these forces. I did not spend a lifetime in captivity, nor did the martyr who sacrificed his life for the country, just to be labeled in the end as not representing the sovereignty of this country. Those who defend the homeland are the sovereignty of this country, not those who are ready to welcome Israel.
To say that there is a contradiction between the army and the resistance is wrong. In my opinion, as with any resistance fighter, our duty is to build a very strong national army to eliminate the justification for the existence of any resistance. This is our ambition. Our ambition is for a soldier to receive a decent salary—not twenty dollars per month—to be able to support his or her family and defend the country.
The leadership of the resistance should have the courage and clarity to open up to everyone with all its capabilities to build a national state that isolates all those who fail to fulfill their responsibility of sovereignty and defending the homeland for us all. A homeland in which we are all safe; otherwise, we will all lose, and no party will triumph over the other.
Palestine Chronicle: So, until we build such an army, do you believe that the resistance should remain?
Georges Abdallah: Certainly, what do we do otherwise? All over the world, resistance is the first response to any aggression. I hope we succeed at building a strong army able to defend us and one that replaces all resistance. But until this happens, do I remain naked in the face of Israel? Do I face Israel with a statement here and a statement there? I want an army that considers Israel the enemy.
Our soldiers are honorable; they are not members of a mafia. They are from all over Lebanon but they need to be well-trained and equipped to be able to defend the country and us. They tell us the US, France, and Britain are our friends. Brilliant, let them provide our army with weapons. But to come and tell me the US is our friend while it comes and asks us to surrender our weapons and recognize Israel, or otherwise Israel will slap you—this is unacceptable. I will continue to resist with all the means I have. The resistance should not have allowed itself to welcome the American envoy or anyone else. We, the people of this country, should meet and determine how to resist the enemy, not how to submit to the enemy. We meet to determine how to confront, not how to normalize.
Everyone is well aware of what is required of Lebanon today. Lebanon is asked to abandon its Arab identity, and particularly to abandon the issue of Palestine, and live in peace with the Zionist enemy. There will be no coexistence with this enemy, not today, not tomorrow, and not the day after. If someone stands with this normalization, the resistance will fight him. If a party stands with this normalization, it will also fight it. If a sect stands with normalization, the resistance will also fight it. Whoever wants to gamble can do so, but normalization will not happen because our people will not accept it, and our people are a resistant people.
The existing resistance might have certain flaws, and we might have certain reservations towards it. Go ahead and get me a better resistance. But to come and tell me this resistance is not good and that you’ll bring me an Israeli soldier instead—then I will fight you and the Israeli soldier. It is as simple as that, despite the complexities of the situation in Lebanon.
We have a model meters away from us in Damascus, where the resistance project is being struck, and so is the state and society. They want Lebanon to turn into sects and tribes! They want to strike the state and the army and turn us into fighting militias, before America and Israel come to the rescue and tell each sect, “I will protect you from the other.”
What is being proposed in Lebanon is the same as what is happening in Syria. This will be fought by our masses of the resistance. You want better resistance? Work on building a better one. But to come and tell me that you have to submit to Israel for the sake of the sovereignty of Lebanon—this is absurd. Sovereignty is not a suit; sovereignty is operational measures to protect the country. Israel occupies part of the Lebanese soil; what should I do? Some say you have to submit to it and you will live in peace. I tell them no, our people have historically offered millions of martyrs and have not and will not accept an alliance with this entity.
Palestine Chronicle: Finally, do you fear for your life?
Georges Abdallah: No, I do not fear anything. Georges Abdallah is an ordinary citizen like all others and is not courageous, by the way.
Palestine Chronicle: How do you spend your time nowadays?
Georges Abdallah: As you can see, I spend it between interviews and welcoming friends. Later on, I want to visit the camps and see my friends and find out the whereabouts of my people.
Hezbollah on Sunday annoucned that the funeral for it longtime leader Hassan Nasrallah, killed in an Israeli attack last year, will take place on Feb. 23 in Beirut.
In a televised statement, Secretary General Naeem Qassem said Nasrallah “was martyred at a time when the conditions were difficult, and there was no possibility for a funeral.”
Nasrallah “was temporarily buried (due to security conditions), and we have now decided to hold a public funeral on Feb. 23,” he added.
⚡️⭕️ The funeral of Martyr Sayed Hassan Nasrallah is on February 23rd in 20 days https://t.co/VXtZzyfgpN
Qassem said a funeral will also be held for Sayyid Hashem Safieddine, another senior Hezbollah official who was killed in an Israeli airstrike nearly a week after Nasrallah’s assassination.
He said Safieddine will be buried with the title of secretary-general, confirming for the first time that he had been elected as Nasrallah’s successor before being killed.
“Sayyid Hashem Safieddine will also be mourned as the secretary-general of the party, as four days after Nasrallah’s assassination, we elected Hashem as secretary-general, and we consider him martyred in that capacity,” Qassem said.
The Hezbollah chief said Nasrallah will be buried on the outskirts of Beirut “in a plot of land on the airport road,” while Safieddine will be laid to rest in his hometown of Deir Qanoun in southern Lebanon.
Nasrallah was assassinated by Israel on Sept. 27, 2024 in a series of airstrikes in Beirut’s southern suburbs. Safieddine was targeted on Oct. 3.
Israel was to complete its army’s withdrawal from Lebanon by Jan. 26 under a ceasefire deal, but it refused and the deadline was extended to Feb. 18.
The truce ended shelling between Israel and the Lebanese group that began in October 2023 after the onslaught in the Gaza Strip commenced, and escalated into a full-scale conflict in September 2024.
The more than a year of fighting killed more than 4,000 people in Lebanon and injured many others.
We have grown accustomed to Lebanon being in the headlines as a result of blood and destruction, but no longer. Whether due to the weakening of Iran, determination of the international community and/or both, all this appears to be changing.
Lebanon has now officially elected a new president, ending a long period of political crisis that has long left the country without a head of state since the term of former president Michel Aoun expired in late October 2022. After protracted negotiations and intense political maneuvering, not to mention Arab and international pressure, general Aoun, with a tough military reputation who has lead the army since 2017, has become the latest leader of the country.
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In a surprising twist during Lebanon's presidential vote, an MP cast a ballot for US Senator Bernie Sanders, though it was swiftly voided. 99 out of 128 MPs backed Joseph Aoun who was elected as Lebanon's new president, ending… pic.twitter.com/x9ncaxKUOc
General Aoun takes office amidst a period of significant economic and social challenges for Lebanon, as the country is grappling with an acute and ongoing financial crisis, soaring rates of unemployment, and the collapse of its currency, in addition to the refugee crisis and deteriorating infrastructure that has left Lebanon hanging by a thread.
In fact to top it all, the powerful sectarian political groups which hindered the election of a president for the past 26 months and more will not likely disappear with the election of general Aoun despite the seemingly robust character of the new leader.
The new 14th Lebanese president in his first address to parliament, vowed to work with all political factions to implement reforms and tackle the pressing economic issues that has long log-jammed the country. His speech was one that had determination and a sense of purpose and appeal with a rallying-cry for all of the fractious political groups of Lebanon.
Having said that, and despite the election in the Lebanese Parliament, the country’s future still remains uncertain with challenges. The new president will need to navigate carefully the deeply entrenched political system which often leads to gridlock and an inability to implement meaningful change.
Additionally, the country’s economy remains in freefall, with millions of Lebanese struggling to afford basic goods and services. Therefore, it is clear the road ahead will be a challenging one to say the least. Logically for many, the focus has already turned to whether the new president can live up to the promise of healing the nation and lead it towards a more stable system.
From the Arab and international perspectives, the messages of support from both seem to be encouraging, but this support will need to be translated into monetary terms for re-building the country. It is said there is the promise of $10 billion earmarked for this effort but frozen on the condition that Lebanon elects a president based.
Now this hurdle has been overcome and passed. At the end of the day as well, General Aoun is seen as the consensus candidate for the Arab countries as well as the international community. In this sense, the release of the re-building funds may look optimistic but there is still the snag of the question of Hezbollah and Israel’s future belligerent intentions towards the country, issues that are still to be ironed out.
The new Lebanese administration needs guarantees from Hezbollah in as much as it needs guarantees from the new Lebanese administration, and the Arab and international community eagerly awaits the results of this dimension because, putting it bluntly, no one wishes to see their investments blown up in another war nor their money burnt in smoke.
All that one can say under the circumstances, is that General Aoun, and he is the fourth president to be chosen from the military establishment, can negotiate with Hezbollah to surrender their heavy weapons to the Lebanese Army while keeping their light weapons; at least for the time being, and stay away from the Litani River as demanded by Israel.
But this will need considerable political dexterity and acumen.
Dr Khairi Janbek is a Jordanian analyst based in Paris
CrossFireArabia
Dr Khairi Janbek
