‘God Will Avenge Us’ – Lebanese React to Israel’s Cyber Terror Attacks

By Sama Abu Sharar

Editor’s note: This article was written before the second wave of explosions that hit Lebanon last Wednesday, also killing a number of Lebanese civilians and wounding hundreds.

BEIRUT – Beautiful Lebanon woke up sad this morning following the massive Israeli cyberattack that hit the whole country last Tuesday afternoon. The streets are gloomy and traffic is less heavy than it usually is on a busy weekday, as people are still in utter shock, trying to process the events of 17 September. 

All public and private schools and universities are closed today and a general strike was called by the General Workers Union in memory of the victims who were killed and the thousands who were injured.

‘Shock and Astonishment’

Joanna Nasserdine, the Beirut correspondent for the Jordanian Roya TV who covered the events of Tuesday, told the Palestine Chronicle that she was as puzzled as the rest of the population when news of the attack started coming in as there were numerous questions and unclarity.

“Today, I can say that I am in a state of shock and astonishment over what happened yesterday because it is a crime that was committed against Lebanon, which did not differentiate between a civilian or a child or a military man, it is a disaster for the whole country,” Nasreddine said. 

She told the Palestine Chronicle that what touched her most as a Lebanese citizen and as a reporter were the horrific scenes in front of the different hospitals in the capital Beirut.

“The scenes of victims, injured, with blood everywhere was a stark reminder of the explosion of the Beirut port in 2020, along with all the feelings of fear, anxiety, and panic that reigned yesterday,” the Lebanese reporter added.

According to Nasreddine, the criminal Israeli cyberattack is unprecedented in the long Arab-Israeli conflict and is extremely dangerous since it was able, in one minute, to harm at least 4,000 people, 300 of whom are in critical condition, and kill at least 12, including two children.

“How can an entity be so criminal to attempt to take the lives of thousands in one minute,” she questioned, expressing the fear of all Lebanese of what is to come next, given how vulnerable the country is at the moment. 

Indeed this is what people feel: Vulnerable and exposed. 

One of the incidents that took place in Tuesday’s attack involved a young man who was passing by a building in Mrijeh, in the southern district of Beirut.

The young man was seen by the neighbors bleeding. They all thought that he had been shot by stray bullets in the air so they grabbed him and tried to hide in one of the buildings. 

When it was clear there was no shooting in the area, they asked the man if it was his phone or the battery trying to pinpoint the source of bleeding, until the man realized that the pager on his waist had exploded, according to a friend who preferred not to be named.

“People were everywhere, their clothes stained with blood, the smell of blood reminded me of what happened after the Beirut port explosion, I could not bear it, I left in a hurry,” a businessman, who preferred not to be named, told the Palestine Chronicle, recounting his experience while passing by one of the hospitals yesterday.

Following the ‘pagers’ attack, messages heavily circulated on WhatsApp groups requesting from people in their homes to disconnect their wi-fi from their home inverters since many of the inverters work on lithium, which apparently detonated the pagers in the cyberattack. 

The majority of people in Lebanon depend on inverters for electricity, which feed on generators or the solar system due to electricity shortages or lack of electricity altogether. A state of panic reigned amongst the majority of Lebanese in fear that the inverters might be hit as well.

An expert on technology told Sawt el Chaab (La Voix du Peuple), a local radio station, in answer to people’s fears regarding their inverters and mobile phones, that “batteries in mobile phones have  higher protection,” admitting nonetheless that the gap between Lebanon and Israel is immense in regard to technology. 

‘A Child Just Died’

The scene by the American University Hospital (AUH) and other hospitals in Lebanon was indeed a stark reminder of the Beirut port explosion in 2020. Hospitals were flooded with the injured and relatives and friends outside of the medical facilities were packed trying to get any news about their loved ones.

A day after the Israeli attack, people still gathered around hospitals, waiting for any piece of news on their loved ones. The only topic of conversation is the attack of yesterday and the state of the patients inside. The streets by the hospitals are dotted with doctors and nurses running in and out of the hospital.

“A child just died,” one man said while on the phone coming out of AUH.

A group of young men in front of the hospital were discussing the insanity of these devices being detonated all at the same time.

I approached two women sitting on a bench by the AUH and asked them if they were waiting for someone.

“My nephew is inside,” she said. “How is he?”, I asked. “He’s ok, thank God,” she answered, “God will avenge us,” she added.

At the nearby Clémenceau Medical Center (CMC), and Makassed General Hospital further away, although less crowded, the scene is similar to military presence around the medical facilities. 

“The situation is bad, the hospital is full, they are even opening the outpatient departments due to the flooding of patients, it’s very bad,” a registered nurse at one of Beirut’s hospitals who spoke to the Palestine Chronicle on condition of anonymity. 

She explained that most injuries are in the fingers, face and hip. 

“It depends where the pager was, most people held the pager when it beeped to check if there was a message and it exploded in their hand so some endured injuries in the face and in the fingers. Others the pager was on their waist,” the registered nurse added.

The Palestinian hospitals, especially in the south of Lebanon, namely Al Hamshari Hospital in Saida, received numerous injury cases due to the over-flooding of the Lebanese hospitals. 

Also, Palestinian hospitals throughout Lebanon mobilized their staff and volunteers throughout the country to receive the wounded and “provide (the victims) with all support and assistance,” according to the Palestinian Ambassador to Lebanon, Ashraf Dabour.

The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), along with all Palestinian groups in Lebanon, condemned the criminal attack and expressed their utmost “support and solidarity with the Lebanese people in the face of the Zionist attack.”

Lebanese political analyst Hussein Ayoub and editor in chief of the Arabic website ‘180 Post, told the Palestine Chronicle that Tuesday’s events are unprecedented due to the unconventional method that was used and the extremely high number of casualties, which he says is expected to rise. 

“It was a sudden and unexpected terrorist attack and a huge security breach,” he said, adding that he’s been asking himself since the attack yesterday what if this attack happened during the war and why didn’t the Israelis leave it till the war breaks.

According to Ayoub, the answer to this question could surface in the coming hours, because had Israel done this during a war the consequences would have been unimaginable. 

The political analyst admitted that “at one point in a battle you have to admit that your enemy did hit you but that this strike does not determine the outcome of the battle.”   

Ayoub says that Hezbollah must reconsider all its approaches, military formations and the subject of communications during the war.

“I believe that the matter requires a different kind of discussion, first, regarding seizing the national unity in the country, since everyone is in solidarity right now regardless of whether they are with the Resistance or not,” he stressed. 

“Secondly, in light of the Israeli superiority in war of technology, Hezbollah must return to the traditional and primitive means of previous guerrilla work,” the political analyst added. 

Ayoub believes that this is extremely necessary because we must understand that “the world’s capabilities are mobilized in service of Israel, including weapons, technology and AI, and all these are not in our service, on the contrary, they are fighting us.”

This article is reproduced from the Palestine Chronicle.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Analysis: Why Did Hezbollah Enter This War?

Hezbollah’s entry into the war reflects strategic calculations shaped by Israeli escalation, regional alliances, and Lebanon’s fractured politics.

Key Takeaways

  • Israel has repeatedly violated the ceasefire in Lebanon through airstrikes, raids, and surveillance operations.
  • Hezbollah’s response has so far remained limited compared to Israel’s sustained military actions.
  • Lebanon’s political leadership has failed to present a unified response to Israeli attacks on Lebanese territory.
  • Hezbollah’s intervention reflects strategic concerns about Israel’s long-term plans in Lebanon and the broader war against Iran.
  • The coordination between Iran, Hezbollah, Ansarallah, and Iraqi factions suggests the Axis of Resistance continues to operate collectively.

A Regional War Expands

Hezbollah’s decision to enter the ongoing regional confrontation did not occur in isolation. The latest escalation began when the United States and Israel launched major strikes against Iran, triggering waves of Iranian retaliation across the region.

The conflict quickly expanded beyond Iran itself. Iranian retaliatory strikes targeted US military assets and positions across the Gulf. The war rapidly assumed the character of a wider regional confrontation involving multiple actors aligned along competing geopolitical blocs.

Within this context, attention turned to Lebanon, where Hezbollah—one of the most powerful non-state actors in the Middle East—began limited military operations against Israeli positions along the border.

The central question quickly emerged: Why did Hezbollah enter the war?

The answer lies in a combination of military, political, and strategic considerations that go far beyond the immediate battlefield.

Did Hezbollah Violate the Ceasefire?

A central claim advanced by Israel and some Western governments – and even anti-Hezbollah factions in Lebanon itself – is that Hezbollah’s actions represent a violation of the ceasefire arrangements that followed previous rounds of conflict along the Lebanese border.

However, the reality on the ground presents a far more complex picture.

For months, Israel has carried out continuous violations of Lebanese sovereignty through airstrikes, drone surveillance, artillery fire, and cross-border incursions.

According to Lebanese government figures and reports by the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), Israel has committed thousands of violations of Lebanese airspace and territory since the ceasefire arrangements took effect.

Lebanese officials have repeatedly documented Israeli overflights, drone operations, and missile strikes inside the country. UNIFIL has also confirmed frequent violations of Lebanese airspace by Israeli aircraft.

These actions have not been merely symbolic. Israeli strikes have caused civilian casualties and extensive destruction of homes and infrastructure in southern Lebanon.

Villages near the border have experienced repeated bombardments, forcing families to flee and damaging agricultural land and civilian property.

At the same time, Israeli officials have openly signaled that they have no intention of withdrawing fully from Lebanese territory or halting military operations.

Several Israeli leaders have stated publicly that Israel intends to maintain military pressure on Hezbollah and potentially establish a longer-term security presence along the border.

In this context, Hezbollah’s response—limited strikes against Israeli military positions—cannot easily be framed as the violation of a functioning ceasefire.

Rather, Hezbollah and its allies argue that no real ceasefire existed, given the scale and persistence of Israeli violations.

Did Hezbollah Violate Lebanese Consensus?

Another argument advanced by critics inside Lebanon is that Hezbollah’s intervention undermines national consensus and drags the country into a war it cannot afford.

Lebanon’s government, which maintains close ties with Western governments and the United States, has repeatedly blamed Hezbollah for escalating tensions.

However, the government has struggled to provide a convincing explanation of how it interprets Israel’s continued attacks on Lebanese territory.

While condemning Hezbollah’s actions, Lebanese authorities have largely failed to respond militarily—or even diplomatically in an effective way—to Israeli strikes.

The Lebanese state has not fired a single bullet at Israeli forces despite repeated attacks inside its territory. This has deepened the political divide within Lebanese society.

Lebanon has long been fractured along sectarian, ideological, and geopolitical lines. Some factions align closely with Western and Gulf states, while others view themselves as part of the Axis of Resistance, which includes Iran, Hezbollah, Ansarallah in Yemen, Palestinian resistance factons and several Iraqi factions.

Within this divided political landscape, there has never been a unified national consensus regarding confrontation with Israel.

For many Lebanese—particularly in communities that have historically borne the brunt of Israeli attacks—Hezbollah’s military posture is viewed as a form of deterrence rather than escalation.

So Why Did Hezbollah Enter the War?

Hezbollah’s decision to join the conflict appears to reflect a broader strategic calculation.

From Hezbollah’s perspective, the Israeli war was likely to expand regardless of its immediate actions.

Israeli leaders have repeatedly declared their intention to reshape the regional balance of power and weaken Iran and its allies.

For Hezbollah, the prospect of Iran being significantly weakened carries profound implications.

If Iran’s position in the region were severely damaged, Hezbollah could find itself facing Israel largely alone—while simultaneously confronting pressure from the United States, Western governments, and regional Arab powers aligned with Washington.

In such a scenario, Hezbollah could be isolated militarily and politically.

Entering the war now, while Iran remains actively engaged and regional allies are mobilized, allows Hezbollah to operate within a broader coalition rather than as an isolated actor.

It also ensures that Hezbollah retains influence over the eventual diplomatic outcome of the conflict.

Wars in the Middle East often conclude not with decisive military victories but through negotiated exits once the architects of war decide to pursue a political strategy.

By participating in the conflict, Hezbollah guarantees that it will have a seat at the negotiating table when such an exit strategy eventually emerges.

Does This Mean the Axis of Resistance Has Been Reborn?

Some analysts have framed the current coordination between Iran, Hezbollah, Ansarallah, and Iraqi factions as the “rebirth” of the Axis of Resistance.

But the reality may be more nuanced.

The Axis of Resistance was never destroyed. Instead, each actor within it has often had to adapt to its own domestic political realities.

Hezbollah operates within Lebanon’s complex sectarian political system. Iraqi factions must navigate Baghdad’s fragile state institutions. Ansarallah governs large parts of Yemen under conditions of war and blockade. Hamas remains focused on defeating the Israeli-US scheme aimed at disarming resistance and ethnically cleansing Palestinians from Gaza,

These differing political contexts often limit how openly each actor can coordinate with the others. Yet recent developments suggest that the axis is functioning in a coordinated manner.

Iranian strikes across the region, Ansarallah’s operations in the Red Sea, and Hezbollah’s engagement along the Lebanese border indicate a level of strategic alignment.

The current conflict has therefore revealed not the rebirth of the axis but its continued operational existence.

Our Strategic Analysis

Hezbollah’s intervention reflects a calculated strategic move rather than an impulsive escalation.

Israel’s continued military pressure on Lebanon, combined with the wider war against Iran, created conditions in which Hezbollah perceived long-term risks in remaining passive.

By entering the conflict in a limited but coordinated manner, Hezbollah seeks to shape the strategic environment before the war reaches a stage where diplomatic negotiations become inevitable.

In doing so, Hezbollah is signaling that the future of Lebanon—and the broader regional balance of power—cannot be determined without its participation.

Palestine Chronicle

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Israel’s Next AI Solution to Gaza

The Israeli and US plans aiming to transform the Gaza Strip into an economy lacking financial sovereignty are extremely concerning. The plans suggest abolishing cash currency and enforcing a transition to a digital economy managed by external entities aligned with Israel.

This would change access to money and basic transactions from a fundamental right into a revocable privilege, making food, medicine, and shelter dependent on security decisions and military assessments. It reflects a coercive restructuring of daily life aimed at pushing the population toward poverty and displacement, managed through technology.

After over two years of financial blockade, Liran Tancman, an Israeli businessman and former officer in Israeli Intelligence Unit 8200, who has been involved with the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), said at an event in Washington that rebuilding Gaza depends on restoring its digital and economic connectivity. He outlined a vision for creating a “secure digital backbone” to support electronic payments, education, and financial services, alongside an “Amazon-like logistics system”. This approach aims to transition the economy from a rights-based framework to one focused on operational and security control.

Introducing digital wallets as a technical solution for reconstruction functions as a cover for a new phase of engineering control over the population and increasing economic reliance on Israel. This strategy transforms financial technology into a programmable instrument for collective regulation, enabling real-time monitoring, arbitrary restrictions, and selective freezing of funds amidst ongoing blockade and occupation, all while lacking Palestinian sovereignty over data, financial systems, operational conditions, or options to object.

Subjecting the right of access to financial resources to a security authority, whether directly or indirectly, undermines the core of economic and social rights. It damages the right to food and human dignity and breaches international humanitarian law, which prohibits collective punishment and criminalising the population. Additionally, it violates the prohibition on the use of starvation as a warfare tactic and conflicts with the fundamental obligation to protect civilians and guarantee their access to essential survival needs.

Any digital infrastructure established under occupation or international tutelage without full Palestinian sovereignty over data and financial systems risks becoming a tool for collective control and subjugation. Israel has frequently enforced arbitrary movement restrictions based on vague and non-appealable security reasons, raising fears that similar restrictions could extend to access to financial resources.

Euro-Med Monitor warns that creating a digital financial system under Israeli control could serve as a comprehensive coercion tool against Palestinians, especially journalists, activists, and human rights defenders. Digital wallets might be frozen based on a single decision, or individuals could be assigned broad security labels, resulting in the loss of access to funds without proper oversight, due process, or remedies. This situation risks making essential rights to food, medicine, and shelter dependent on unchecked security judgments.

Israel’s extensive security classification system for Palestinians, which designates hundreds of thousands as having political or national affiliations, could potentially be used as a financial weapon under such a framework to block access to their wallets and enable coercion. This situation is similar to the current restrictions on travel for medical care or movement freedom, often justified by “lack of security approval,” despite the lack of clear standards or real chances to contest these decisions.

The threat goes beyond simply denying funds; it involves turning the economy into a network of conditions and restrictions. Basic services would become dependent on political and security compliance, while aid, salaries, and trade could be used as tools for classification. People would be tracked through digital records that decide their access to essential needs. This method risks reinforcing arbitrary discrimination and could lead to collective punishment that affects both individuals and groups.

Restricting the development of advanced internet services to areas like the so-called “New Rafah,” combined with partial reconstruction efforts, raises concerns about using technology as a pressure tool to alter demographics and enforce coercive changes. Digital services risk becoming a privilege tied to geographic location rather than a universal public right, thereby weakening the principles of non-discrimination and equitable access to services.

Euro-Med Monitor emphasises Tancman’s crucial role in the GHF, which is associated with contentious aid distribution methods amid the Gaza genocide. Field data indicate that the foundation’s policies helped engineer starvation in the enclave, resulting in about 1,200 civilian deaths and injuries to thousands more during food access efforts. He is also among those who suggested tying aid distribution to “biometric” checks, effectively turning relief efforts into mechanisms for data gathering, coercion, and security control.

Any digital or economic initiative that overlooks the occupation’s realities and provides the occupying power with more control tools over the population’s lives does not contribute to rebuilding Gaza or facilitating recovery. Instead, it solidifies an illegal system of domination and risks turning technology into a means to prolong violations and maintain the blockade in a “smart” manner. In this form, the blockade becomes programmable, with punishment that is swift and direct, serving as leverage to drive the population into poverty, displacement, and uprooting by limiting livelihoods and linking survival to security policies.

The reconstruction efforts and any transitional phase must be grounded in respect for international humanitarian law and human rights law, guarantee full Palestinian sovereignty over resources, systems, and data, and ensure the separation of humanitarian arrangements from security and intelligence functions.

Euro-Med Monitor underscores the prohibition on linking any financial services, humanitarian aid, or access to basic necessities to “biometric” verification, security classifications, or political conditions. It advocates adopting the principle of data minimisation and preventing the transfer or sharing of data with any third party, particularly security bodies or companies contracted with them.

Since October 2023, Israel has barred all cash entries into Gaza and enforced a strict financial blockade, resulting in the closure of all bank branches during the genocide. Although some branches later reopened partially, they were still not allowed to bring in cash, thereby preventing cash withdrawals.

Euro-Med Monitor urges rejection of any financial or digital arrangements imposed on Palestinians under occupation or made in their name without real Palestinian sovereignty, independent civil representation, and enforceable oversight and appeal processes. The idea of “consent” in the context of occupation lacks legitimacy as long as Palestinians do not control money and data.

Any system that does not guarantee full Palestinian sovereignty over data, infrastructure, standards, and governance, and that grants the occupying power or its agents the ability to access, disable, or freeze operations, remains an unlawful instrument of control, regardless of any humanitarian or developmental framing.

All digital systems should undergo regular independent audits focusing on privacy, cybersecurity, and human rights impacts, with the results openly published. Full transparency is required regarding funders, owners, operators, contractors, and contractual conditions. Euro-Med Monitor calls for safe non-digital alternatives and opposes making survival or access to services dependent on digital wallets, which could exclude vulnerable groups or those without connectivity or technical means.

The establishment of independent and effective appeal mechanisms with well-defined jurisdiction, competent judicial authority, and quick decision-making regarding asset freezes or transaction restrictions is crucial. These mechanisms should ensure transparency in operational standards and objection procedures and require that decisions be reasoned.

Euro-Med Monitor urges the establishment of an independent Palestinian civil authority to govern the financial and technological systems without interference from the occupation. It emphasises that genuine economic progress depends on lifting unlawful restrictions on crossings, cash flow, goods, and communications, rather than replacing a physical blockade with a “smart” digital one that increases dependency and perpetuates violations.

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