Gaza’s 12 Universities Will Rise Up Again

In their war on Gaza, the Israelis pulverized the educational sector in the enclave. There are no schools, no colleges and no universities due to the mass bombs deliberately targeting these institutions since 7 October, 2023.

Over 90,000 Palestinian university students in Gaza have no universities to go back to when the war ends.

Israel’s bombings have turned all of the 12 universities in the Strip into piles of rubble, campuses are a wreck, student lecture halls no longer exists, tumbledown buildings have become the standard textbook case of woes and misery underlined by running sewers and dirty water floods.  

Besides, the mass attack on the higher educational system by Israeli warplanes targetted and killed nearly 100 Palestinian scholars, deans, scientists and professors, calling this criminal rampage as scholastide with the Israeli intention of destroying the whole system of education in the Gaza Strip as UN experts pointed out.

To demonstrate his outrage, Palestinian-American Dr Tariq Haddad refused to meet US Secretary Anthony Blinken after Israel killed 100 people from his family in its Gaza genocide. Among his family, included physicians and professors who were murdered wantonly.

The attack on the universities was deliberate attempt to destroy Palestinian culture and learning.  Al-Aqsa University in Khan Yunis, in the south of the Gaza Strip, was completely decimated, made dysfunctional by an Israeli regime that has long forgotten knowledge culture and civilization.

Al Aqsa University began to be destroyed slowly since the end of 2023. As Palestinians started to move in search of safe areas, they found Al Aqsa University. It had been turned into a place for the thousends of displaced people being forced out of their homes by Israeli warplanes.

Once the Israeli army started to hear of that, they increased the bombing of this institution accomplanied by carnage, killing and mayhem.

The same is the case with the Islamic University in Gaza which was completely destroyed by the Israeli occupation forces.

The Islamic University was the biggest educational learning in Gaza, yet all of its faculties were completely destroyed soon after 7 October.

There are plenty of pictures that show “before and after” – a horrendous, vicious attack on educational learning.

One Israel soldier relished his destructive work so much, decided to film himself walking through Al Azhar University which is now lie in a desolate, dilapidated state.

In a mock display, he walks among its ruins, saying the university is now closed for reconstruction and asking the Israeli soldiers who have now come to occupy its wrecked and debris-ridden halls, if they want to sign up for the new semester.

In rememberance of their destructions, Middle East Eye ran a piece on those higher learnings that once existed. Besides the Islamic University of Gaza and the Aqsa University, there was Al Israa University, Al Azhar University, Palestine Technical College, University College of Applied Sciences, University of Palestine, Gaza University, Hassan II University of Agriculture and Environmental Sciences and Dar Al Kalima University.

But there all gone now. US Congressman Bernie Sanders tries to emphasize the point across to the US Senate about student protesters in US university campasses for the support of Palestine. He told Senators in Gaza there are no student protesters because every one of the 12 campuses there were destroyed by the Israelis.

Another Israeli soldier found it appropriate to take a selfie of himself behind a book shelves in Al Aqsa University which he just set on fire.

The rampage of the University which is located in Khan Younis, to the South of Gaza City, was second largest city in Gaza, occupied for the best part of three months by the Israeli army in a bid to get rid of Hamas and Palestinian resistance fighters.

Israeli soldiers gave up last April and left. They hadn’t destroyed the resistance, but what they decimated Khan Younis, its university, colleges and schools. It was pure terroristic vandalism.

The photo of the Israeli soldier went viral. It shows him holding a book while a fire burns behind him in the Al Aqsa University library that is one of the largest book depositories in the Gaza Strip.

Despite the killing of its doctors, nurses, computer scientists, engineers, teachers, lectures, workers, journalists and many other professions, Palestinians are still hopeful about the “day after” when the war will end.

The image of 21-year-old Duaa from deep down Gaza is heartening. It is a call for the outside world to let her continue her studies despite the fact “…we are living in a state of occupation war that destroyed my home, my country, and my university…” she said.

And there are many like her which means the destroyed universities will be rebuilt one day and the educational system will be rebuilt and reconstituted despite the Israeli slaughter because Palestinians will not go anywhere accept stay in Gaza.

  • CrossFireArabia

    CrossFireArabia

    Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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    By Dr Adnan Naeem

    The recent escalation between Israel and Iran suggests that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is currently experiencing one of his most complex and perplexing political moments. The man who has long relied on military force as a tool to resolve conflicts and impose realities now finds himself besieged by outcomes that fall short of his stated objectives and the immense cost borne by the entire region.

    In Gaza, after months of war, destruction, and continuous military operations by the Israeli army, fundamental questions remain unanswered: Where is the victory promised to the Israelis? Where are the strategic achievements that justified the continuation of the war? The Gaza battle was transformed from a project for a swift resolution into an open-ended war of attrition, with the political, security, and humanitarian costs increasing daily and rapidly.

    As for the northern front (Lebanon), Netanyahu has failed to impose the equations he repeatedly wanted to create. Instead of restoring Israel’s image of deterrence, new realities have emerged confirming that the region does not respond to threats, and that the power balance has become far too complex to be determined by the rhetoric of force or displays of military capability.

    At the heart of these shifts, Iran has emerged as a model distinct from the many adversaries Israel has traditionally dealt with. Tehran does not merely declare its right to retaliate; it exercises this right whenever it perceives its interests or sovereignty are threatened. The recent regional confrontations demonstrated that a policy of threats is no longer sufficient to subdue or deter adversaries while military calculations have become far more costly and complex than Netanyahu imagined.

    It is to be noted while Netanyahu sometimes speaks of opportunities for negotiation or security and political arrangements, he at the same time continues to generate the conditions for escalation. How can peace be built while the circle of confrontation widens? And how can the world be convinced of the seriousness of the political process when the language of force remains the sole instrument for managing the conflict?

    He appears like a cunning fox, claiming to be engaged in negotiations for  peace but focusing on security matters rather than the political file. The security file establishes a limited, relative stability, not a lasting one, waiting to reignite conflict in the region, particularly on the Lebanese front.

    Netanyahu works on downplaying and delaying the importance of resolving the political issue first. He thus evades political obligations and commitments under international pressure regarding Lebanese rights for instance, most importantly ( is a complete withdrawal, even from the Shebaa Farms, demarcation of borders, including maritime borders, and Lebanese rights to the gas fields off the Lebanese coast – the Karish field).

    This contradiction reveals a crisis deeper than a mere disagreement over military tactics; it reflects a personal political predicament facing Netanyahu. He understands – as he approaches the general elections – that a ceasefire could open the door to domestic accountability regarding security and political failures, and could revive questions about his political future, not to mention corruption cases and crises such as his dismantling of the judicial system and the conscription of Haredim. Therefore, it seems the continuation of the tension gives him more room to maneuver than political compromises would.

    Within Israel itself, and as the general elections approaches, the gap between Netanyahu and growing segments of society widens. The opposition is gaining strength, protests continue unabated and the families of fallen and wounded soldiers are raising their voices in an unprecedented manner. Meanwhile, criticism is mounting from security and military figures who believe the government lacks a clear vision to resolve the crisis.

    Today, Netanyahu’s image resembles that of his missiles: Soaring into the sky, creating a deafening roar, but quickly returning to reality, where difficult questions and stubborn facts await him. Wars may postpone crises, but they do not eliminate them, and escalation may temporarily alter the landscape, but it does not create a lasting victory.

    Conversely, the United States appears more inclined toward de-escalation and preventing the region from erupting into a full-blown war. Washington understands its strategic interests require containing the conflict, not expanding it. It prefers pursuing political and security arrangements that reduce the likelihood of a major confrontation. However, this approach clashes with Netanyahu’s desire to keep the region on the brink of conflagration, hoping to alter the facts on the ground or escape the demands of domestic politics.

    Between heaven and earth, Netanyahu oscillates between the rhetoric of power and the reality of impotence, between his political ambitions and the limits of what military force can achieve. As for the region, it continues to pay the price for this oscillation, which has so far produced nothing but more tension and instability.

    This article, written by Dr Adnan Naeem, an Israeli affairs expert, was published in the Arabic  Maannews website and reprinted in crossfirearabia.com

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    Iran: ‘Strategic Patience’ to ‘Sustained Confrontation’

    By Najih Mohammad Ali

    In a clear and direct language, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) affirmed that regional “peace and stability will not be achieved unless there is withdrawal from the occupied Lebanese territories.” This stance followed Hezbollah’s Secretary-General’s rejection of the Washington talks, emphasizing his refusal to separate the arenas and the “Dahieh for the North” equation.

    This statement expresses a coherent strategic vision that considers regional stability inextricably linked to ending occupations and aggressions. It places the defense of Lebanon, Syria, and the region among Iran’s political and military priorities.

    This shift to a strategy of “eternal war”—or continuous confrontation—and reflects a pragmatic and principled decision made by Tehran after decades of pressure and aggression. Iran did not abandon the idea of ​​a settlement in vain; rather, it realized that relying on partial agreements with Washington, which imposes unilateral conditions and disregards the rights of peoples, is no longer a viable option.

    The cowardly assassination of Martyr Qassem Soleimani, followed by direct strikes targeting high-ranking Iranian leaders, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, proved that relying solely on “strategic patience” is mistaken for weakness. Therefore, Iran has shifted to a doctrine of active deterrence based on the entire axis of resistance, making any aggression costly for its adversaries.

    This transformation was not the result of the absolute dominance of a hardline faction, as Zionist-American narratives and their Arab proxies (and, of course, the Iranian opposition abroad) claim. Rather, it is a natural evolution of the Iranian elite that stood united in the face of external aggression.

    After significant losses, the priority of maintaining national and revolutionary cohesion emerged. Defending revolutionary principles—exporting the spirit of resistance and confronting arrogance—has become an essential part of the regime’s identity that has become a source of strength to prevent internal collapse whilst uniting the people behind the leadership in the face of sanctions. Pragmatists and hardliners alike now agree that continued confrontation better protects national interests than concessions that could lead to disintegration.

    The leaders of the Iranian regime believe—and I think they are right—that continuing the confrontation will yield greater strategic gains than any fragile peace agreement. History proves that America understands only the language of force and attrition. From Vietnam to Afghanistan, wars of attrition forced Washington to withdraw.

    Today, the “Axis of Resistance” is cleverly applying this equation: Linking the arenas to prevent separate deals that would weaken Lebanon, Iraq, or Yemen, and imposes a heavy price on its adversaries. Iranian diplomacy has been transformed into the diplomacy of the field, as General Soleimani envisioned, and is now a flexible tool that buys time and exposes the contradictions of the other side, while maintaining full military readiness.

    The American-Israeli strikes have already altered Tehran’s calculations in favor of adopting an offensive-defensive posture. Instead of settling for limited responses, Iran is developing comprehensive deterrent capabilities through its natural allies, who represent the will of the region’s peoples in the face of occupation.

    This is a calculated escalation, a precise strategic calculation based on resilience and strategic depth. Within the elite, a balance prevails between caution, fearing losses, and resolve, which sees resistance as the only path to dignity and independence.

    Compared to the previous “strategic patience,” the strategy of sustained confrontation has proven effective in preserving battlefield gains and preventing the regional collapse of the resistance axis. It has succeeded in exhausting the enemy and strengthening internal unity, despite economic challenges primarily attributed to unjust sanctions, not Iranian policy.

    The most serious risk facing this strategy lies in the possibility of miscalculation by adversaries and their attempts to impose a full-scale war, but Iran has repeatedly demonstrated an exceptional capacity for resilience and adaptation.

    We are indeed facing a “simmering cold war,” where there is no false peace imposed by force, nor a total war that destroys everyone. This situation serves Iran and its axis because it maintains the strategic balance, prevents surrender, and opens the door to a comprehensive and just settlement based on withdrawal from occupied territories and respect for the sovereignty of states.

    In conclusion, this “perpetual war” relies on the long-term vision of the Iranian character. It is not a whim, but an existential choice imposed by the ongoing aggression against Iran and the peoples of the region.

    Iran is defending itself and the dignity of the nation, and affirms that true stability begins with ending aggression, occupation, and foreign interference. This path, despite its difficulties, reinforces Tehran’s position as an indispensable regional power and paves the way for a new balance of power that respects the rights of peoples. The region needs such firm stances to achieve an honorable peace, not surrender.

    The author is a researcher in Iranian and regional affairs and this article is reproduced from the Arabic Al Rai Al Youm website and reprinted in crossfirearabia.com.

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