UN Security Council Must Act to Stop Israeli Atrocities in Gaza

Palestinian Territory – The Security Council, UN General Assembly, and all international justice institutions must act swiftly and decisively to compel Israel to cease its frequent, systematic military assaults against shelter centres housing internally displaced people. In defiance of international law, Israel has turned shelters, including UN facilities into acceptable targets and have served as the backdrop for multiple, willful mass killings in front of the world.

Israel’s frequent attacks and bombings of UN facilities, which have left hundreds of civilians dead or injured, are a blatant manifestation of the international community’s refusal to put an end to the crime of genocide, ongoing for nearly 10 consecutive months. This crime is a result of Israel’s decades-long international impunity, and is evidence of its unrelenting collective punishment of the Palestinian people.  

Horrific attacks

The most recent of these horrific attacks took place at 2:50 p.m. on Sunday 14 July, when Israeli warplanes attacked the UNRWA-run Abu Oreibat school, which is home to thousands of people who were forcibly displaced to the Nuseirat camp in the central Gaza Strip. Fifteen people were killed, including at least one woman, and numerous others had their bodies blown to pieces. Eighty people were also injured, mostly women and children.

Euro-Med Monitor’s team has documented hundreds of similar cases in which Israeli aircraft bombed shelter centres housing thousands of forcibly displaced people, killing hundreds inside them, in flagrant violation of international laws, especially those regulating the principles of war.

Since the start of Israel’s genocidal war in the Gaza Strip, UNRWA has documented 456 attacks on its buildings, some of which were targeted more than once. According to UNRWA, 188 of its facilities have been were affected during these attacks. At least 524 displaced people who took refuge in UNRWA shelter centres have been killed, and at least 1,621 others injured, since last October.

In addition, there have been hundreds of deaths and thousands of injuries in other shelter centres as well as camps for internally displaced persons inside the Israeli-proclaimed “humanitarian safe zone” to which residents have been forcibly displaced in recent months.

In Israel’s horrific massacre in the area of Al-Mawasi in Khan Yunis on 13 July, Israeli aircraft dropped eight devastating United States bombs on a crowd of tens of thousands of forcibly displaced people. At least 90 individuals were killed, and 300 others were wounded, many of them women and children who lost limbs and/or were paralysed in the attack. Medical teams faced difficulties in treating these victims, as the Gaza Strip’s health system has collapsed due to the systematic Israeli attacks targeting it since 7 October.

Israel’s attempt to use the justification of “targeting military or factional leaders” to legitimise crimes that result in the deaths of hundreds of civilians is unacceptable. Whether or not its accusations are verified, Israel is still required to follow the rules of international humanitarian law in all situations, including those involving military objectives. This means adhering to the principles of distinction, proportionality, and military necessity (taking all reasonable precautions to protect civilians), such as selecting the mode of operation and weaponry that will result in the least amount of civilian casualties and damage to civilian objects. Euro-Med Monitor notes that, regardless of how closely one party follows the rules of international humanitarian law, the other party is still legally required to abide by and honour the provisions of the law.

Israel systematically and repeatedly violates the principles of distinction, proportionality, and necessity, using bombs and ammunition with enormous destructive power that are imported from other countries, the majority of which are American-made. This makes the US—and any other country that supplies Israel with weapons—partners in the killing, which is occurring at a rate never before seen in the history of modern warfare.

In this regard, the UN Security Council should call an emergency session to discuss the consequences of these systematic crimes against Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip, including those who have been displaced and who sought, or are currently seeking, refuge in camps and shelter centres. It should also support efforts to hold those responsible for these crimes accountable, particularly since they are being committed in violation of international law and the UN Charter, i.e. against civilians who are protected and civilian objects that are protected.

The Security Council and the UN General Assembly must act seriously and swiftly to stop the crime of genocide in the Gaza Strip by adopting effective international resolutions with executive mechanisms and imposing sanctions and deterrent measures against Israel to ensure that it stops its crimes and grave violations in the Strip. Israel and its allies must be pressured to respect international law and the rulings of the International Court of Justice.

Based on the aforementioned, all nations are required to fulfil their international obligations by enacting strong sanctions against Israel and severing all other types of political, financial, and military support and cooperation. This includes immediately halting arms transfers to Israel, including export permits and military aid; otherwise, these nations will be held accountable for the crimes that have been committed in the Gaza Strip, including genocide.

Additionally, the International Criminal Court ought to keep looking into any and all crimes committed by Israel in the Gaza Strip; broaden its investigation into criminal responsibility, in order to hold all perpetrators accountable; issue arrest warrants for those responsible; and acknowledge and address Israel’s crimes in the Strip, as they are international crimes that fall under the purview of the International Criminal Court and are clearly crimes of genocide.

This article is a reprint from a piece in the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Jordan 2007! Elections and Hiccups: Looking Backwards

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article was written more than 18 years again in October 2007 for the 7iber.com online portal and is reprinted her

Its election time! As a good non-totalitarian democrat I love the elections, when they happen that is. What I really love about the elections is the time leading up to their finale when voters go up to the polling stations and vote. Although I’ve never voted in my life, I’ve always carefully watched election campaigns, right from start to finish. They are exciting days, of banners hoisted, constituency meets, mini-rallies and all the rest of it.

Prospective candidates, some running for the very first time and of which we are expected to know and vote for, hoist their banners across streets and roundabouts, screaming at the electorate to vote for them because they are the best candidates.

This is the 15th elections for the 15th Lower House, and parliament in Jordan has consistently been in session since 1989, after a long absence of parliamentary life in the country. I am proud to say I covered the 1993 elections, the 1997 ones, and just about missed the 2003 elections because of being away from Jordan.

In all these years, the excitement never faded. Islamic Action Front candidates continuously stood under the IAF banner, but this was never the case with the other political parties, such as the nationalists, the leftists, the middle-of-the-roaders and the tribalists. Although a lot of parties came on the scene after 1993, like Al Ahad, Al Yaqatha and Al Risala and still many others, for some reason or another, many of their candidates preferred to stand as independents arguing they are known for their own independent political personalities rather than as representatives of their parties.

Is this a wrong attitude? Well, maybe. However, once some of them were elected to the Lower House of Parliament, they revealed their true political colors and supposedly argued on party-political lines. Ironically, most of the electorate never knew what those lines were when the MP was just a candidate running for a seat. Many of these parliamentarians argued that they stood a better chance of getting into parliament as individuals rather than under the banner of their political parties. This is due to the belief that such organizations were still seen as relatively new and unknown, despite the fact that many, including leftists, Arab nationalists and Baathists parties, had existed in the 1960s and 1970s, but many of which were effectively banned.

They may of course have been right in their assumptions as political parties were just made legal in the early 1990s, and have thus needed time to be nurtured. As independents, the negative connotations of belonging to political parties would wither away among the electorates who needed to get used to voting for candidates on party political platforms. But the problem with running on independent tickets is that it actually perpetuated individualism, parochialism and depended on the appeal to family, kinship and tribal relations. In past Jordanian parliamentary elections, and even today, the tribal bloc vote has been very important in deciding who wins and who loses.

The effect of this frustrates the process of developing political parties, which, except for the Islamic Action Front, remains weak, ineffective and are no more than talking shop. They have even been used by established politicians to further their own individual political ends and causes. This stands contrary to the need for building modern, strong political parties designed to make democracy and the democratic experiment effective.

Realizing that there is a lot to say about the tribal vote, sometimes political candidates, even Islamists, have been known to appeal to kinship and family relationships as a means of getting into parliament. Once they do, they start the usual game of political party meandering under the parliamentary dome.

That may also be why election banners and slogans on roads are no more than hackneyed, clichéd phrases emptied from their political content. They are read for what they are: brief formulaic statements, lacking the resonance of strong, vibrant agendas and political manifestos that promise change and development, as is the case with elections in more mature democracies around the world.

Political parties in Europe, for instance, are big machines with national and local clout. Everyone, especially the main personalities, know who they are, what they stand for, and what they hope to do once they form the government, or become the party in the majority. In this part of the world, the political culture, machinations and value systems are different and have to be treated differently.

However, in the final analysis, a political party is a political party in which ever part of the world it belongs to; sharing little differences with its counterparts. That’s why such parties have to be strong, come out of their closed shops and enclosures, and appeal to the masses; become broad-based with clout in order to be listened to by decision-makers.

In all fairness however, we have to be gentle with our political parties by understanding the history and the context of where they came from. It took political parties in the western world, centuries to develop and become the national institutions they are today.
They emerged through political struggles and a great deal of pushing and shoving.

But does that mean we have to take that long? Not necessarily, the element of transition from one era to another can take place quickly, but it has to be supported by the state and government. There has to be a political will for democracy, where parties are nurtured rather than left alone.

Jordan is doing well despite different hiccups, but the Arab world in general has to pull itself by the bootstraps if it is to enter into a meaningful political era where representation, democracy and political pluralism is seen as healthy for a society. Our problem now is to move faster in order to catch up with the rest of the world, and develop politically.

In the meantime, let’s for a minute stop and enjoy the political actions of the electoral campaign.

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Giant Phillippines Volcano Shows no Rest!

Mayon Volcano in the Philippines continued to show signs of intensified unrest, with authorities reporting dozens of volcanic earthquakes and tremors over the past 24 hours while maintaining Alert Level 3, local media reported on Saturday.

The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) said that from the volcano, they recorded 51 volcanic earthquakes, 30 volcanic tremors lasting between two and 45 minutes, as well as hundreds of rockfall events and six pyroclastic density current signals, according to local media outlet the Inquirer.

The institute also reported ongoing lava effusion from the crater, with lava flows extending several kilometers along the Basud, Bonga, and Mi-isi gullies.

Short-lived lava fountaining was also observed.

The volcano emitted 1,482 tons of sulfur dioxide on Friday, higher than the previous day’s level, while a volcanic plume drifted southwestward.

Authorities continued to prohibit entry within the 6-kilometer (3.72-mile) permanent danger zone and warned against flying aircraft near the volcano.

The institute warned nearby communities of potential hazards including lava flows, rockfalls, pyroclastic density currents, moderate explosions, and lahars (mud or debris flow) triggered by heavy rainfall. Anadolu

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