In Gaza, Even the Tent Is Temporary: Families Who Have Fled 5, 10, 15 Times

CROSSFIREARABIA – By the time many Palestinians in Gaza reach a tent, they have already fled several times — from home to relatives, from schools to hospitals, from Gaza City to Khan Younis, from Khan Younis to Rafah, and often back again. For families who have moved 10 or 15 times, displacement is no longer a single traumatic event. It has become a way of life.

At two o’clock in the morning, the explosions were getting closer.

Windows collapsed inward. Children woke terrified. Outside, the sound of Israeli tanks and military vehicles appeared to be moving nearer.

The father tried to calm his children, but there was little time for reassurance. The family had to leave.

Again.

Palestinian writer Saber Abu al-Kass later described that night in an account published by Al Jazeera as the beginning of yet another forced displacement. They abandoned what remained behind them and fled into a darkness punctuated by explosions.

It is a scene that has repeated itself hundreds of thousands of times across Gaza: Parents waking sleeping children; the elderly being helped onto carts or wheelchairs; mattresses rolled hurriedly; a bag of clothes grabbed if there is time; documents, blankets, water and food taken if they can be found.

And then the walk begins.

Not knowing where it will end.

For many Gazans, asking where they are displaced today no longer tells their story. The more revealing question is: How many times have you already been displaced?

Ten times.

Eleven.

Twelve.

Fifteen.

In July 2024, Palestinians interviewed by Al Jazeera were already struggling to count. One man, carrying a child and belongings through the street, said his family had fled 10 times.

“Every time there is suffering,” he said. “We don’t know where to go.”

A girl told the channel that her family was fleeing for the seventh time. Another man counted nine displacements and said he had reached the point where he wished he had stopped running.

United Nations estimates cited in the same report said roughly nine out of every 10 people in Gaza had been displaced at least once — around 1.9 million people — with many uprooted repeatedly.

But statistics cannot quite convey what it means to move 10 times during a war.

Every journey begins with a calculation no parent should have to make: Is remaining here more dangerous than putting the children on the road?

“We barely put up the tent”

For Abir Nasr, there was sometimes barely enough time to turn a patch of ground into a temporary home before she had to dismantle it.

Nasr and her family were repeatedly displaced from Khan Younis toward Rafah. Speaking to Al Jazeera in January 2024, she summed up their existence in a few words:

“We barely manage to put up the tent and sit in it.”

During one displacement from the Mawasi area of Khan Younis, she recalled gunfire and people being killed nearby. The family fled with their children in the middle of a cold winter night.

Her brother Ali Nasr was undertaking his fifth displacement.

“They attacked us in the middle of the night,” he said.

They did not know where to go.

That uncertainty is central to Gaza’s displacement story. People are not generally leaving one dangerous location for a prepared shelter. They may be moving toward a road, a school already overflowing with displaced people, the courtyard of a hospital, an empty plot, a relative’s crowded room — or a strip of sand where they hope they can erect a tent.

Eleven escapes from death

For Lamis Deeb, displacement became almost a map of the war itself.

She fled approximately 11 times.

Seven of those moves took place within Gaza City alone.

Her family’s first flight was from their home to Shati refugee camp in western Gaza. From there they went east within the city. Later, in November 2023, she and her husband headed south toward Khan Younis.

Each movement meant roads damaged by bombardment, crowds of frightened people, military checkpoints and the frantic search at the other end for somewhere — anywhere — to sleep.

Lamis described displacement as if the soul were leaving the body.

“You carry your children, hold them tightly and run,” she told Al Jazeera.

You do not know what is behind you, she said, and you do not know where you are going.

“You just run.”

The war would take more from her than her home. Lamis lost her husband and her father in an Israeli air strike. She was eventually left struggling to survive with her two children.

Her 11 displacements therefore cannot be understood simply as changes of address. They represent eleven episodes of fear, eleven searches for shelter and repeated ruptures of whatever temporary routine she had managed to rebuild for her children.

Fifteen moves — and a library in a tent

Mohammed Saad has moved approximately 15 times with his family.

Before the war, books were part of the physical architecture of his life. His four-storey home included a book warehouse.

Then the house was destroyed.

After months of moving across Gaza, Saad eventually found himself beside a pavement in Deir al-Balah with a modest tent. Yet even there, after 15 displacements, he tried to restore something from his former existence.

For three days, he returned to the ruins and dug with his bare hands to rescue hundreds of books.

His new library was a tent.

The image is almost a metaphor for displacement in Gaza: A man retrieving books from the remains of a permanent house and arranging what survived beside a structure made of fabric and poles — something that can disappear with the next evacuation order, strike, storm or forced movement.

The story of young Hayat Abu Amsha carries the same number: 15 displacements.

Her family’s home was destroyed and she ended up living in a tent lacking basic necessities. Yet in June 2026, the Palestinian child attracted attention for something very different: Playing a violin outside that tent.

The instrument was almost absurdly delicate against the landscape around her.

Fifteen moves had not extinguished her desire to learn music.

Twelve displacements, illness and burning tents

For another displaced man identified as Ziad, the number was 12.

His displacement began on the first day of the war. His home was eventually destroyed. His family scattered.

His married daughter was wounded by shrapnel when an Israeli strike hit a shelter area.

Then the family’s tents in Khan Younis were struck by flying shrapnel and caught fire.

They lost what was inside.

This is one of the cruellest dimensions of repeated displacement. People often arrive at a tent having already lost their houses, furniture and possessions. What remains — blankets, clothes, cooking utensils, perhaps jewellery or family papers — becomes a household compressed into a handful of objects.

When a tent burns, floods or must be abandoned, they can lose their lives a second time in miniature.

Ziad warned that the combination of killing, fear and displacement would have long-term consequences for Gaza’s mental health.

The displacement ends on the map, perhaps.

Psychologically, it does not.

A pregnant woman walking south

For May Younis, three displacements were enough to place enormous strain on her body.

Pregnant during the war, she first walked for long distances from Gaza toward the central area before finding transportation to Khan Younis.

Then she fled again, on foot to Rafah.

Later came another journey, from Rafah to Deir al-Balah.

She sought treatment for intermittent bleeding. According to her account to the Palestine Information Center, medical staff linked her difficulties to poor nutrition and repeated displacement and warned about the risk of premature birth.

For pregnant women, elderly people, people with disabilities and parents carrying infants, evacuation is not merely movement. A few kilometres can become an ordeal.

People walk while dehydrated and hungry. Parents carry children who cannot walk farther. Older people are transported in wheelchairs, on improvised carts or supported between relatives.

And everyone hears the same sounds around them: drones, explosions, artillery and aircraft.

Ten moves — then insects invade the tent

Even reaching Mawasi does not necessarily end the search for somewhere livable.

Um Mohammed Abu Shaeira, 50, originally from Rafah, told the Palestine Information Center that she had changed location ten times.

Some of those later movements were not only attempts to escape military danger.

They were attempts to escape the conditions inside displacement camps themselves.

Fleas, mosquitoes and flies had spread through tents amid accumulated rubbish, sewage problems and the lack of sanitation and insecticides.

“I no longer know where to flee,” she said.

Nearby, Mervat al-Shaer, 35, described spending nights using her own hands to drive mosquitoes away from her children because her deteriorating tent offered so little protection.

The destination of displacement had itself become another place from which people wanted to escape.

The elderly reach the point of refusing to run

By August 2025, exhaustion had transformed the way some displaced people spoke about evacuation.

In western Gaza City, Um Nasser al-Wadiya, a woman in her seventies with failing eyesight and hearing, sat beside a tent assembled from worn pieces of fabric.

She had fled Zeitoun.

Three weeks later she had to leave again, this time from the Karama area.

She then left a tent she had established in Deir al-Balah and eventually reached another improvised camp.

Her children were no longer with her, and she did not know where they were.

Her conclusion was stark:

“Death is easier than displacement.”

Nearby, Fatima al-Qassas, around 60, had fled the Daraj neighbourhood after an evacuation warning. She went to Zeitoun. Bombardment followed her there and she was displaced again.

She, too, said she would not leave again.

For younger people, displacement can mean carrying what remains of a household.

For the elderly, it can mean being physically uprooted when the body is no longer capable of another journey — losing familiar neighbours, medicines, mattresses and whatever small arrangements had allowed them to survive.

Eventually, the terror of the next journey competes with the terror of staying.

Near Mawasi, Yusuf al-Najjar, a father of four, described being displaced three times in only two weeks.

He sat watching the sky.

The family had escaped bombardment repeatedly only to feel encircled by danger again.

That is why the word “safe” has acquired an almost bitter meaning among many displaced Gazans.

A tent is not an address

Mawasi was once known primarily for agriculture. During the war, its sandy coastal landscape became one of Gaza’s largest concentrations of tents.

Families built shelters from tarpaulin, plastic, blankets and salvaged timber. Toilets, clean water, sewage infrastructure and electricity were grossly inadequate for the huge displaced population.

And the danger did not stop at the edge of the encampments.

The Palestine Information Center has documented repeated Israeli attacks in the Mawasi area and the continuing struggle of displaced families to obtain water.

Weather provides another form of displacement.

In November 2024, heavy rain and wind damaged or flooded around 10,000 tents, according to accounts cited by Al Jazeera, forcing some families to move their shelters yet again.

By August 2026, local reporting was still documenting the consequences of prolonged tent life: respiratory and skin diseases, mosquitoes, poor sanitation and children suffering in conditions their parents could do little to change. One mother, Feryal al-Attar, had endured 12 displacements while trying to care for her daughter Haneen, a child with serious existing medical needs who subsequently developed a severe skin condition.

This is what makes Gaza’s tent cities different from the conventional image of a refugee camp.

A refugee camp suggests arrival.

For many Gazans, there has been no arrival.

There is only a temporary stopping point.

A family may drive wooden stakes into the sand, tie down a tarpaulin, spread blankets, find a bucket for water and begin calling the space “our tent.”

Children learn which tent belongs to their cousins. A mother creates a cooking corner. Someone hangs clothes on a rope. A father searches for cardboard to cover the ground.

Small routines return.

For a few days, perhaps even weeks, the family begins to behave as if this patch of earth is fixed.

But the bags are never entirely metaphorical.

They know how quickly life can be reduced again to what can be carried.

Mohammed Saad reached his tent after around fifteen moves.

Lamis Deeb fled eleven times.

Ziad fled twelve.

Abir and Ali Nasr reached a fifth displacement while escaping in the middle of a winter night.

Um Mohammed Abu Shaeira counted ten.

May Younis walked through three.

Maysara Baroud, the Gaza artist who continued drawing during the war after his home, studio and university were destroyed, had been displaced 11 times.

Each number represents doors closed behind people who did not know whether they would ever return.

Perhaps that is the most devastating thing about displacement in Gaza.

The tragedy is not simply that so many people live in tents.

It is that after five, ten or fifteen forced journeys, even the tent cannot fully become home.

At night parents still listen to the sky.

Children still wake at explosions.

An elderly woman wonders whether she has the strength to walk again.

And beside the entrance, the few possessions that survived the last journey remain close enough to gather quickly — because in Gaza, after so many displacements, people have learned that the place where they sleep tonight may once again become the place they have to flee tomorrow.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Gaza’s Widows: When Grief Becomes the Family’s Only Breadwinner
  • HebaHeba
  • September 7, 2026

CROSSFIREARABIA — At the end of each day, 36-year-old Amina Abu Ajwa looks at what remains inside a sack of flour and performs the kind of calculation that has come to define life for thousands of women in Gaza.

How many loaves can she still make? How many mouths must they feed? And what happens when the flour is gone?

Amina has four young children. Her husband was killed in October 2023, leaving her simultaneously a grieving widow, mother, caregiver and sole provider. She has a university degree, but no permanent job. Even if she could find work amid Gaza’s devastated economy, another question immediately arises: Who would look after her children while she was away?

For a while, orphan sponsorship payments provided the family with a small degree of predictability. Then those began disappearing too. One sponsorship stopped four months ago; another has not arrived for three months.

“I knew that something would arrive and I could arrange my affairs accordingly,” she told the Palestinian Information Center. “Now I don’t know what I will do next month.”

Today the family survives largely on food parcels, meals from charitable kitchens and occasional help from a neighbour. None is guaranteed.

Amina’s story is personal, but it is hardly exceptional anymore. Across Gaza, Israel’s war has produced a social transformation whose consequences may remain long after the bombing stops: Tens of thousands of households have lost a parent and, frequently, their principal breadwinner.

The latest figures are staggering. According to Aziza al-Kahlout, spokeswoman for the Ministry of Social Development in Gaza, the number of orphans has now exceeded 68,000. Tens of thousands have lost one parent or both, while thousands are being cared for by grandparents because their parents are dead, missing or otherwise absent.

Alongside them stands another vast population: Gaza’s widows.

Ministry figures put the number at more than 28,000 women, many suddenly responsible for feeding and raising families in an economy where jobs, businesses, homes and normal childcare arrangements have been shattered. Earlier ministry figures showed 28,224 registered widows, compared with 22,596 before the war. Around 64 percent were between 18 and 45 — working age, theoretically, but living in a place where the conditions required to work have largely disappeared.

Six children and no breadwinner

Hanan Abu Ghali is another of them.

Her husband was killed early in the war, leaving her responsible for six children. Three receive orphan sponsorships. The payments were never enough to restore anything resembling their former life, but they helped pay for food and other necessities.

As sponsorships faltered at the same time as humanitarian assistance declined, Hanan found herself effectively back where she started: without a dependable income and with six children whose needs do not diminish simply because aid does.

She is no longer thinking about improving their standard of living. The objective is much more basic — keeping the family going.

This is perhaps the central economic reality confronting Gaza’s widows. Losing a husband does not merely mean bereavement. In thousands of households it means the simultaneous disappearance of wages, savings, workplace connections and the person who once shared responsibility for finding food, collecting water and caring for children.

The widow is expected to replace all of them.

But earning money while caring for several children inside a displacement camp can be almost impossible. A mother who leaves a tent to search for work may have nobody with whom she can safely leave her children. A grandmother caring for orphaned grandchildren faces the same dilemma, compounded by age.

And Gaza’s destroyed economy offers few conventional jobs anyway.

The Ministry of Social Development has warned that loss of family incomes has become so severe that children themselves are increasingly working. Ministry teams have encountered children selling water or food from street stalls, carrying aid and water, gathering firewood or recyclable material from destroyed buildings and working long hours in shops for small sums.

Thus the death of a breadwinner can begin a chain reaction: the father disappears, the mother cannot find work without abandoning childcare, assistance proves inadequate, and eventually a child begins working to help feed the household.

Twelve grandchildren, one grandmother

Few stories illustrate the burden being transferred between generations more starkly than that of Hidaya Abu Alwan.

Hidaya is 66 years old.

She is now raising 12 grandchildren whose parents were killed during the war.

Five of the children initially obtained orphan sponsorships. Children over 12 received none, she said. Then sponsorship for another two children stopped. Today, she receives sponsorship money for only three of the 12 children she is supporting.

Whatever money arrives for one child inevitably becomes money for everybody.

Food, clothes, medicine: there is no practical way for a grandmother feeding 12 children to separate one orphan’s sponsorship from the hunger of the child sitting beside him.

Hidaya fears that even the remaining payments could disappear.

“How can one woman provide food and care for 12 children?” is essentially the question her circumstances have forced her to ask.

Her family also reveals something easily obscured by the word “orphan.”

Who actually looks after Gaza’s tens of thousands of bereaved children?

In most cases, the answer is not an orphanage.

Al-Kahlout says Gaza’s protection system prioritises keeping children within a family environment wherever possible: first with a surviving parent, then grandparents or capable relatives, followed by extended family. Foster arrangements are considered when relatives cannot provide care, while residential institutions are treated as a last resort.

That principle protects family bonds. But under present conditions it also transfers enormous economic responsibility onto people such as Hidaya.

A grandmother who takes in five, eight or 12 grandchildren may herself have no salary, savings or secure home. She may be living in a tent. The family has protected the children from institutionalisation, but who protects the family from destitution?

Is there a safety net?

The answer is complicated.

There is still a social-protection system operating in Gaza, despite the destruction. The Ministry of Social Development, local organisations, charities and international agencies continue distributing food, cash assistance, vouchers and essential supplies and providing child-protection and psychosocial services.

The ministry reported that during August alone, 75,051 food and non-food interventions were carried out in Gaza. It recorded 22,558 interventions involving women’s protection and psychosocial support and another 4,213 services and interventions for orphans.

Across the first eight months of 2026, more than 55,000 Gaza families benefited from humanitarian interventions implemented by the ministry and its partners, alongside more than 56,000 protection and social-care interventions. Assistance has included food parcels, flour and bread, vouchers, emergency cash, medicines, clothing, bedding, baby milk and other necessities.

The ministry has also attempted to maintain a more formal child-protection structure. During the first half of 2026, its teams and partners intervened with unaccompanied and separated children, monitored children in residential and foster care and provided psychosocial assistance. Thousands of orphan sponsorships and other forms of assistance were delivered, while 5,650 additional orphans were added to its database.

So it would be inaccurate to say that nothing exists.

What Gaza does not appear to have, however, is a universal, reliable social safety net capable of guaranteeing every widow and every orphan a predictable income sufficient for survival.

Al-Kahlout says the great majority of Gaza’s orphans do not receive permanent sponsorships. Some receive individual sponsorships or limited financial assistance; others depend primarily upon relatives.

That distinction matters enormously.

A food parcel is assistance. A meal from a communal kitchen is assistance. A sporadic cash transfer is assistance.

A safety net is something different: it is something a mother can count on next month.

Amina’s experience demonstrates the difference.

When the sponsorship stops

The orphan sponsorship system has traditionally been an important source of support for vulnerable Palestinian families. But the war has exposed its fragility.

According to al-Kahlout, programmes have been disrupted by restrictions on financial transfers and bank accounts, border closures, the closure or suspension of humanitarian organisations and difficulties faced by charities seeking to operate. At the same time, the number of children requiring assistance has exploded.

That leaves charities attempting to cover an expanding population with unstable resources.

For the widow receiving the money, however, the reasons are less important than the consequence.

The payment simply does not arrive.

She cannot tell the baker that international funding has declined. She cannot explain to a sick child that a bank transfer has been delayed. Nor can she tell children to postpone hunger until the next aid distribution.

This is why the crisis facing Gaza’s widows cannot be separated from the crisis facing its orphans. They are frequently the same household.

A generation growing up inside the emergency

The greatest danger may lie beyond immediate hunger.

The Ministry of Social Development warned in August that more than 625,000 school-age children had been deprived of formal education for a third consecutive year. It also cited estimates that more than 74,000 children under five could suffer acute malnutrition.

For orphaned children, these pressures come on top of bereavement, displacement and the destruction of ordinary family life.

A child who has lost a father may also have lost the family’s income. A child who lost both parents may move into a grandmother’s tent already occupied by another displaced family. Schooling may disappear. Food becomes uncertain. Eventually the child may be sent to sell water, gather firewood or perform other work simply because the household needs another pair of earning hands.

Poverty, in other words, risks becoming the mechanism through which today’s bereavement shapes an entire adulthood.

For widows, meanwhile, the future presents an equally stark dilemma. Humanitarian relief can keep families alive, but it cannot by itself rebuild economic independence. With roughly two-thirds of the registered widows in working age, Gaza ultimately requires childcare, education, livelihoods and employment programmes specifically designed around women who are now heads of households — not simply food parcels.

The ministry itself has called for economic empowerment and employment programmes for widows. But such programmes require something that Gaza presently has in desperately short supply: stability.

A woman cannot easily start a business when she has been repeatedly displaced. She cannot reliably go to work when there is no school or childcare for her children. She cannot build savings when every available shekel goes toward food, water and medicine.

The family as Gaza’s last welfare institution

For the moment, Gaza’s most important social safety net may therefore be neither the state nor an international agency.

It is the family.

Grandmothers absorb grandchildren. Widowed mothers stretch sponsorship payments among siblings. Relatives share tents and food. Neighbours give one another what little they possess.

But there are limits to how much poverty can be redistributed within families that are themselves impoverished.

The story of Gaza’s widows is consequently becoming one of the defining social legacies of the war. Tens of thousands of women have been forced into the role of sole provider at precisely the moment when the economic structures that would allow them to provide have collapsed.

Behind them are tens of thousands of children.

Some have a mother but no father. Some a father but no mother. Some have neither.

For many, the person standing between them and complete abandonment is an elderly grandmother such as Hidaya Abu Alwan, dividing the sponsorship money of three children among 12.

For others, it is a woman like Amina Abu Ajwa, counting the flour remaining in a sack and calculating how many more pieces of bread she can make.

These women have become Gaza’s emergency welfare system.

But resilience cannot substitute indefinitely for income, childcare, housing, education and a functioning social-protection system.

The question facing Gaza is therefore no longer simply how its widows and orphans survive the present.

It is what happens to a society when tens of thousands of women and children are asked to build their futures from grief — with no certainty that even next month’s bread will be there.

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HRF Files Criminal Complaint Against Israeli FM in Slovenia

The Hind Rajab Foundation (HRF) said on Monday it filed a criminal complaint in Slovenia against Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar over alleged war crimes, acts of genocide and torture in Gaza ahead of his expected visit to Ljubljana this week.

The complaint was filed with the Ljubljana District Prosecutor’s Office and police.

Sa’ar is expected to attend the opening of a new Israeli embassy in Ljubljana this week, the HRF said, citing information provided by the Movement for the Rights of Palestinians, a Slovenian social initiative and solidarity group.

The complaint alleges that Sa’ar bears criminal responsibility for several actions during Israel’s war in Gaza, including the attack on Kamal Adwan Hospital in northern Gaza between Oct. 8 and Dec. 27, 2024, and the arrest and continued detention of the hospital’s director, Dr. Hossam Abu Safiyeh.

The HRF also alleges that Sa’ar was involved in the destruction and occupation of Gaza, the mass displacement of civilians and the restriction of food, water, fuel and medical supplies.

The organization said the complaint invokes Slovenian law and international legal instruments, including the Fourth Geneva Convention, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and the UN Convention against Torture.

The filing follows earlier action by HRF concerning Sa’ar, including a communication to the ICC ahead of his visit to Brussels in February 2025 and legal action linked to his visit to London in April 2025.

The non-profit called on Slovenian authorities to investigate the allegations and take steps to ensure Sa’ar cannot use diplomatic status to avoid accountability.

“No official, no matter how senior, stands above the law,” HRF Director General Dyab Abou Jahjah said in the statement. He added that the organization was calling on Slovenian authorities to investigate those responsible for what he described as crimes against Palestinians.

Slovenia recently vetoed a joint statement by the EU and its 27 member states condemning Israel’s decision to build new illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank. Anadolu

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