Can Netanyahu Reshape The Middle East?

By Mohammad Abu Rumman

What happened on October 7th was not merely a surprise, bloody attack for Israel—it marked a watershed moment that redefined its security doctrine and the limits of its regional project. It was a moment strikingly similar to what the events of September 11th represented for the United States. Immediately after the launch of the Al Aqsa Flood operation, prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu wasted no time in drawing a direct comparison to 9/11.

This comparison was not just rhetorical or meant to rally emotions. It reflects a much deeper strategic vision. Netanyahu is using the shock of the attack to advance an old-new Israeli project: restructuring the region’s security and political landscape in a way that guarantees Israel near-absolute security in a demilitarised environment, free of any threats.

After the 9/11 attacks, US neoconservatives in the White House seized the moment to implement the “Project for the New American Century”—a vision developed by think tanks and figures like Paul Wolfowitz, William Kristol and Robert Kagan. Founded in 1997, the project aimed to reshape the global order and maintain American dominance, with Iraq, Syria, and Iran at the heart of its ambitions. September 11th became the ideal pretext to accelerate this vision through the invasion of Iraq and redrawing the map of the Middle East.

Today, Netanyahu is doing something strikingly similar. He sees the Al Aqsa Flood as a historic opportunity to accelerate his own regional vision—one that is no longer confined to Gaza but extends to southern Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Gaza again, and even the political dynamics in Turkey and several Arab states.

Those following Netanyahu’s rhetoric—and that of his ministers—can clearly see that Israel is no longer content with merely deterring its enemies. It now seeks to re-engineer the entire geopolitical landscape of the region. In southern Syria, Netanyahu stated clearly: “We will not allow any military forces threatening our borders to remain in southern Syria, and we will not return to the old equation.” Defence minister Yoav Gallant added that Israel will reshape the reality there to ensure its strategic security—which essentially means preventing the Syrian army from returning to its previous positions and enforcing a safe corridor between Sweida and the Golan Heights in line with Israeli interests.

In Lebanon, the objective has shifted from merely weakening Hizbollah to explicitly disarming the group entirely and eliminating its missile capabilities, which pose a direct threat to Israel.

In Gaza, the discussion is no longer about reconstruction or humanitarian relief. The conversation centers on the “day after”—meaning the complete removal of Hamas, disarmament of all resistance forces, and transforming Gaza into a powerless entity under full Israeli security control.

Even the proposed Palestinian state mentioned in the recent New York declaration is envisioned as a demilitarized one—to appease Netanyahu. Yet, he still won’t accept it. Israel has already moved past the idea of any sovereign Palestinian state. What’s “allowed”, according to current Israeli thinking, are fragmented cantons and voluntary or forced displacement of Palestinians.

As for Iran, Israel’s confrontation with Tehran is open-ended, aiming to reduce its missile capabilities and eliminate its strategic threat. It is also plausible that Israel’s strategic vision may extend to shaping the political scene in Turkey—possibly by pushing for a government more aligned with Israeli interests—and exerting pressure on certain Arab states, even those officially labeled as “friendly” to Tel Aviv.

This project is no longer tied to Netanyahu’s personal political survival. It has become close to a national consensus among Israeli institutions and political elites. Leaders like Yair Lapid or Naftali Bennett are unlikely to reverse course or return Israel to the pre-October 8th status quo.

What’s unfolding today isn’t a series of short-term security tactics. It’s a long-term strategic plan aimed at reshaping the regional balance of power and cementing Israel’s status as the undisputed regional superpower.

The author is a columnist for the Jordan Times

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Killing Happiness!

By Ismail Al Sharif

“I fear only one thing: That we might be broken forever, for whoever is broken forever can never rise again. Tell them: take care not to be defeated forever.” — *Gaza Weddings* (also known as *The White Horses*), a novel in Arabic by Ibrahim Nasrallah.

In 2011, Palestinians set a world record by flying the largest number of kites on the Gaza beach during a summer camp organized by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).

By 2024, however, the United States had halted its funding to the agency, while the Zionist entity designated it a terrorist organization, revoked agreements with it, and cleared out its premises. Furthermore, children in Gaza faced threats of death if they flew even a single kite—despite kites being among the few remaining playthings that offer them moments of joy—at a time when even a child’s smile or expression of happiness has become a provocation to the Zionists, warranting death.

Just days ago, a four-year-old child was killed after the army fired missiles at a warehouse in the Al-Wayda area, near Salah al-Din Street. The strike killed three Palestinians, including the child Abdul Salam Taha, in retaliation for the flying of kites.

Subsequently, war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu and his Defense Minister Israel Katz, threatened to target any area in Gaza where kites were spotted—an escalation revealing that the targeting encompasses everything, even the simplest expressions of joy and play among children. A nuclear state—possessing the world’s most advanced weaponry, receiving billions of dollars in aid, enjoying limitless military supplies, and shielded by aircraft carriers—views small children flying kites as a threat to its national security. It deems killing them as the appropriate response to this “threat,” as if the blood of tens of thousands of children were not enough to slake its thirst for bloodshed.

No foreign official has stepped forward to condemn the targeting of children flying kites; on the contrary, the matter has been treated as routine—as if the act itself constituted a threat warranting death. Foreign media outlets have echoed the same narrative claiming that Hamas orchestrates the kite-flying—the very narrative used to justify the destruction of hospitals, bakeries, and water stations, as well as the bombing and burning of displaced persons’ tents.

For instance, a BBC headline read: “Israel warns of strong response to kites launched from Gaza.” By attributing the kite-flying to an unspecified entity—implying an organized military operation—the incident was framed as a security confrontation. Consequently, the targeting of children—and the blowing of their bodies to pieces by bombs—was portrayed as a natural and justified response.

Preventing the children of Gaza from flying their kites—depriving them of one of the few remaining joys in their lives—cannot be separated from the attempt to break them psychologically and emotionally, nor from a policy aimed at rendering Gaza uninhabitable and denying its people their most basic human rights. The daily crimes in Gaza—compounded by impunity, a lack of accountability, and the support and encouragement of certain allies—reveal the extent of the corruption, brutality, and injustice in this world. The tragedy has not ceased; circulating figures indicate that Palestinian casualties continue to mount even after the announced ceasefire, amidst ongoing human suffering.

In Gaza, even the simple joy of a child holding a kite is treated as a threat—as if the objective were no longer merely to defeat the human being, but to steal their smile.

This article written by Ismail Al Sharif was originally published in Arabic in Ad Dustour newspaper and appeared in crossfirearabia.com

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Autumn Papers: Palestinians Must Sieze The Moment

By Radwan Barghouti

Sometimes writing is a conversation with oneself—a way of setting oneself straight before going astray…

Prisoner asked:
“When will they let me out?”

Guard replied:
“The door has been open for a long time.”

Prisoner asked:
“Then why didn’t you tell me?”

Guard replied:
“You were too busy asking when.”

Not every door that opens is seen, nor does every historic opportunity announce itself boldly. Sometimes a rare moment passes before a people—a moment when something in the world around them begins to change—yet those who are supposed to seize it are preoccupied with something else.

Perhaps this simple story can serve as a mirror of the Palestinian condition after 7 October, 2023. The war on Gaza, with all the killing, destruction, devastation, and unprecedented human tragedy it has brought, has thrust the Palestinian cause back into the heart of global consciousness. Millions have now seen what Palestinians have been saying for decades. The world has witnessed with its own eyes the scale of the tragedy endured by a people living under occupation. Across capitals and cities around the world, powerful voices have risen demanding an end to the war, justice for the Palestinians, and recognition of their right to freedom, self-determination, statehood, and independence.

Palestine is no longer merely a passing item on the evening news. It has returned to the conscience of the world—to universities and streets, parliaments and international organizations, and to the center of a far-reaching global political and moral debate.

There has been—and still is—a historic moment. But the painful question is: What have the Palestinians done with this moment?

This is not to suggest that the world has simply opened its doors and said to the Palestinians, “Come in; here is your state.” The reality is far more complicated. The balance of power remains deeply unequal, the occupation has not disappeared, and the tragedy in Gaza has not ended merely because international sympathy has grown. But history is measured not only by what is granted to peoples; it is also measured by what peoples themselves are capable of doing when the right historical moment arrives.

And herein lies the problem.

Instead of allowing this tragedy to become a point of Palestinian convergence, and instead of all political forces and factions sitting down together to confront one central question—How can we transform this global sympathy into a Palestinian political project that brings us closer to freedom and independence?—division has persisted, while factional and political calculations continue to rear their heads at precisely the moment when Palestinians most need to rise above them.

It is as though the prisoner continues to ask:

“When will they open the door?”

When the more important question should have been:

“What will we do when the opportunity comes to open it?”

Palestinian unity today is neither a slogan for public consumption nor a group photograph to be taken in front of the cameras. It is a political and historical necessity.

Global sympathy cannot be transformed into genuine political power without a unified Palestinian political voice. Nor can such a voice be built by excluding one faction, monopolizing decision-making, or branding those who disagree as traitors. It can only be built by bringing the entire Palestinian political spectrum together around a clear national program: Ending the occupation, protecting the Palestinian people, safeguarding their inalienable national rights, securing their right to self-determination, and achieving an independent and sovereign Palestinian state.

The past years have demonstrated that Palestinians can be united in suffering, and that the world can sympathize with them in moments of danger. The real challenge, however, is for Palestinians to become united politically as well.

Freedom does not come through sympathy alone. And sympathy, however widespread, does not automatically translate into independence. It requires a people who know what they want, genuine leadership capable of seizing the moment, and political forces willing to set aside their differences when the fate of an entire homeland is at stake.

Perhaps the harshest aspect of the Palestinian situation today is that those who have spent decades waiting for a historic moment may fail to realize that when history opens its window, it does not leave it open for long.

If the lesson of the story is that the prisoner failed to walk free because he was too preoccupied with asking “When?”, then Palestinians do not need to wait for yet another answer about when freedom will come.

The question that should be knocking on everyone’s door today is this:

Do we have the courage to disagree less, agree more, and transform what has happened into the beginning of a path toward freedom and independence?

The door may not remain open forever.

History does not wait for those who hesitate.

At this unprecedented historic moment, the people themselves bear the full responsibility. No one can act in their place.

Waiting for a savior is nothing but an illusion.

Radwan Al-Barghouti is an attorney living in the Kingdom of Sweden

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