Explosive Robots: Destroying A City

The Israeli army is destroying about 300 residential units daily in Gaza City and Jabalia, using around 15 robots carrying nearly 100 tonnes of explosives.

These bombings are taking place at an unprecedented pace, aimed at destroying Gaza City and displacing its residents, as part of a dangerous escalation of the ongoing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip for nearly 23 months.

Euro-Med Monitor’s field team documented the Israeli army’s intensified use of armoured, explosive-laden robots to demolish residential areas at an accelerating pace. Most homes and infrastructure in Jabalia al-Balad and Jabalia al-Nazla have already been destroyed, while the army advances with comprehensive destruction toward the heart of Gaza City from the south, east, and north.

Since the Israeli army announced last Friday, the end of what it called a “temporary humanitarian ceasefire” in Gaza City, which it claimed applied during daylight hours, Euro-Med Monitor’s field team has documented a doubling in the number of explosive-laden robots detonated, from about seven to nearly 15 per day.

Each of these robots is loaded with highly explosive materials, sometimes weighing up to seven tonnes, and is directed to detonate in Jabalia al-Balad and Jabalia al-Nazla north of Gaza City; the Zeitoun, al-Sabra, al-Shuja’iyya, and al-Tuffah neighbourhoods south and east of Gaza City; as well as the al-Saftawi and Abu Iskandar areas northwest of Gaza City.

The unprecedented pace of destruction of residential neighbourhoods in Gaza City using explosive-laden robots indicates Israel’s determination to wipe the city off the map. At the current rate, the rest of the city could be destroyed within two months, a timeline that may shorten further given the Israeli army’s massive firepower and the absence of any pressure to halt its crimes against Palestinians.

After preliminary assessments of the robot attacks, Euro-Med Monitor estimates that each robot can completely or partially destroy around 20 housing units. This will soon leave hundreds of thousands of people without homes or shelters, forcing them to flee once again in deadly conditions, without even the bare minimum for survival.

The robots used in the bombing are essentially Israeli military vehicles, such as outdated M113 armoured personnel carriers, loaded with tonnes of explosives and remotely piloted through civilian neighbourhoods. They are directed to explode in carefully selected locations to maximise destruction. In some cases, the robot is not rigged to detonate but is fitted with large boxes of explosives that are unloaded at the target site, after which the vehicle is returned to base for reuse in other operations. This reflects an organised military strategy aimed at systematically destroying residential neighbourhoods and maximising the scale of devastation.

The catastrophic impact of explosive-laden robots extends beyond the physical destruction of residential neighbourhoods to the systematic use of psychological terror against civilians. The Israeli army deliberately detonates most of these robots late at night or at dawn to spread fear and panic and force residents to flee. The explosions produce deafening sounds that shake Gaza City, while the remaining buildings shudder under the violent blast waves, deepening the population’s suffering and turning daily life into a constant state of terror and insecurity.

The sound of explosions from these robots often carries beyond the entire Gaza Strip, heard at distances of over 40 km from the blast site. This demonstrates the immense destructive force of such weaponry, which Israel employs to wipe out cities in the enclave.

The international community’s blatant inaction and complicity, together with the refusal of influential states and relevant UN and international bodies to hold Israel accountable, have enabled it to carry out the destruction of Gaza City openly, without even attempting to invoke legal justifications to legitimise the crime.

Such blatancy was illustrated by Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz’s statement on 22 August, when he declared: “If they [Hamas] do not agree to Israel’s terms, Gaza will become Rafah and Beit Hanoun. Just as I promised – so it will be.”

The first documented use of robots by the Israeli army to destroy residential areas occurred during the two campaigns against the Jabalia refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip in May and October 2024, before their deployment expanded to other areas across the Strip.

Israel’s use of explosive-laden robots is explicitly prohibited under international humanitarian law, as they are inherently indiscriminate weapons incapable of accurately targeting military objectives. Their wide-area explosive effect directly and indiscriminately impacts civilians and civilian objects, in blatant violation of the principles of distinction and proportionality, which form fundamental pillars of international humanitarian law.

These weapons fall under the category of prohibited arms, and their use in populated areas constitutes both a war crime and a crime against humanity, as they cause widespread killing, forced displacement, and deprivation of basic living conditions as part of a systematic or widespread attack on the civilian population.

Moreover, the systematic use of such robots, as currently practised to destroy residential neighbourhoods and strip residents of their homes and livelihoods, makes them a direct tool for committing genocide. This pattern of destruction clearly falls within the acts defined in the Genocide Convention, specifically the intentional infliction of conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of the group, in whole or in part.

The use of these destructive methods, primarily robots, not only causes loss of life and forces residents into deadly displacement but also seeks to obliterate residential neighbourhoods and infrastructure entirely, erasing any possibility of life in Gaza City and undermining Palestinians’ future, along with their inherent right to remain on their land and return to their homes.

Explosive-laden robots are only one of the methods used by the Israeli army to wipe out cities in the Gaza Strip. They form part of a broader arsenal of destructive tools, including aerial bombardment with missiles and heavy bombs, continuous artillery shelling, the dropping of bombs and explosive packages from drones, the deliberate booby-trapping and detonation of buildings, and the use of military and civilian bulldozers to raze structures or what remains of them.

More than one million Palestinians in Gaza City face an existential threat as Israeli destruction, starvation policies, and forced displacement persist, amid the international community’s unjustifiable silence on this unprecedented crime.

The UN General Assembly must urgently act under Resolution 377 (V) “Uniting for Peace”, which authorises it to address situations where the Security Council fails to act due to a lack of unanimity among its five permanent members. Under this resolution, the General Assembly may issue recommendations to UN member states for collective measures to ensure the restoration of international peace and security.

The General Assembly must urgently act under the aforementioned resolution to establish and deploy an international peacekeeping force in the Gaza Strip. This step is necessary to end crimes against civilians, guarantee their protection, secure unhindered access to humanitarian aid, safeguard medical and relief facilities, and stop the systematic targeting of such facilities. Activating this mechanism is both a legal and moral duty of the international community to protect over two million people in Gaza from ongoing genocide and grave violations.

All states, individually and collectively, must fulfil their legal obligations and act urgently to stop this genocide in Gaza, taking every feasible measure to protect Palestinian civilians there. They must enforce Israel’s adherence to international law and the rulings of the International Court of Justice and hold Israel accountable for its crimes against Palestinians.

Israel must be held accountable for its crimes against Palestinians before both international and national courts. This includes, without waiver, enforcing the arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court for the Israeli Prime Minister and former Minister of Defence at the earliest opportunity and surrendering them to international justice to stand trial for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, including killing, persecution, other inhumane acts, and the use of starvation as a method of warfare.

The international community must also impose economic, diplomatic, and military sanctions on Israel in response to its systematic and grave violations of international law. This includes banning weapons exports to Israel and halting arms purchases from it; suspending all forms of political, financial, and military support and cooperation; freezing the assets of officials involved in crimes against Palestinians or inciting such acts; and imposing travel bans on them. Moreover, trade privileges and bilateral agreements that grant Israel economic advantages, enabling it to commit crimes, must be suspended.

CrossFireArabia

CrossFireArabia

Dr. Marwan Asmar holds a PhD from Leeds University and is a freelance writer specializing on the Middle East. He has worked as a journalist since the early 1990s in Jordan and the Gulf countries, and been widely published, including at Albawaba, Gulf News, Al Ghad, World Press Review and others.

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Living With The Dead: Gazan Families Forced to Make Homes Among The Graves

In Gaza, even the cemeteries are no longer reserved for the dead.

CROSSFIREARABIA – In Gaza, even the cemeteries are no longer reserved for the dead.

Between headstones and freshly turned earth, Palestinian families have stretched sheets, driven wooden poles into the ground and erected makeshift tents. Children carry water through rows of graves. Mothers cook whatever food they can find beside burial plots. Washing hangs between tombstones. At night, families retreat behind thin pieces of cloth, surrounded by graves because, after repeated displacement, they say there is simply nowhere else to go.

The extraordinary sight is now part of Gaza’s displacement crisis: Living families making temporary homes in places built for the dead.

In Khan Younis, Deir al-Balah and elsewhere in the Gaza Strip, cemeteries and their surroundings have become last-resort shelters for Palestinians whose homes were destroyed or who were ordered to leave areas where they had already sought refuge.

The Palestine Information Center documented the Abu Samak family sleeping on the ground between graves in Al-Sawarha cemetery in Al-Zawayda, central Gaza, after they were forced from their home east of Deir al-Balah. The family said areas to which displaced people had been directed were already packed, leaving them with few choices. Father Adham Abu Samak summed up the family’s predicament with a question heard repeatedly across Gaza: Where are we supposed to go? 

Another displaced woman, Ibtisam Abu Amra, told the Palestine Information Center that her family fled from Abu Arif east of Deir al-Balah and eventually ended up in a cemetery in the centre of the city. She described displacement as taking the children, elderly relatives and whatever possessions could be carried and heading towards an unknown destination. When every alternative was exhausted, she said, the cemetery was what remained.

Ten Children Living Among the Graves

One of the clearest recent examples comes from the Al-Namsawi area of Khan Younis.

In July 2026, Al Jazeera documented the family of Mazen Younis, who, with his wife and children, had been living inside a cemetery in the Mawasi area of Khan Younis for around a year and a half.

The family had originally lived in the Al-Manara neighbourhood before successive displacement forced them elsewhere. Eventually they reached the cemetery.

Their “home” consisted largely of fabric screens erected between graves.

There was no normal kitchen, reliable water supply or the basic infrastructure associated with a house. Younis, who suffers from heart disease, relied on his young daughters to bring water to the family, even when the available water was not suitable for drinking.

Instead of attending school, the girls spent part of their day fetching water and walking to a takiyya, or community food kitchen, to collect meals.

Even that food, the family said, was insufficient.

Younis’s wife said there was no cooking gas or many of the other necessities normally found in a household. The children travelled daily for food and water while the family endured the heat, insects and the psychological strain of living surrounded by graves. The report also described rodents and scorpions as part of the family’s surroundings.

It is an existence reduced to its most basic components: Something overhead for shade, something beneath the body for sleeping, a container in which to carry water, and, when available, a pot in which to heat or cook food.

A Tent Becomes the Entire House

Reporting by the Gaza-based Safa News Agency provides another window into what happens when a family’s entire domestic life is compressed into a tent.

Displaced Palestinian Mardai Shahada described the tent as simultaneously the family’s house, bedroom and kitchen — their whole existence confined to cloth and plastic incapable of properly protecting them from the summer heat or winter cold. , Safa, the Palestine Press Agency has documented families patching worn tents with nylon and thread simply to keep some protection between themselves and the weather.

Other Safa reporting describes displaced people sitting beside plastic tents, storing water in buckets and improvising shelters from whatever materials they can obtain. During extreme heat, tents can become almost impossible to remain inside during daytime, while insects and even snakes have been reported around sleeping areas. ⁠

Winter presents the opposite problem.

Gaza’s Civil Defence told Safa that 1,542 tents were flooded by rain in just two days around the beginning of January 2025, with water rising above 30 centimetres in some locations. Bedding and personal belongings were soaked and some displaced people suffered severe shivering from the cold.

For families living in cemeteries, these same problems are compounded by the environment around them. There are few proper drainage systems, bathrooms or established water points designed for hundreds of people to live there.

Cooking Beside Graves

Life continues because it has to.

Families collect drinking and washing water in plastic jerrycans and buckets. Food comes from humanitarian assistance when available, community kitchens, relatives or whatever can be purchased at increasingly difficult prices.

Cooking is often improvised.

With kitchens destroyed and fuel scarce, displaced families across Gaza have relied on small fires and makeshift cooking arrangements beside their tents. Safa described families in displacement camps gathering around fires at night during cold weather.

Inside the cemeteries, domestic objects consequently appear in surroundings where they would once have seemed unimaginable: Cooking pots, plastic bowls, mattresses, blankets, clotheslines, water containers and children’s belongings sitting beside gravestones.

A cemetery ceases to function exclusively as a burial ground. It becomes a neighbourhood — but one without the services of a neighbourhood.

Toilets Are Another Problem

Sanitation is among the least visible but most serious difficulties.

There are generally no household bathrooms for families who pitch tents inside or beside burial grounds. Displaced people depend on whatever communal facilities exist nearby, improvised latrines or rudimentary pits.

The shortage of proper sanitation can create another danger.

In July 2026, Al Jazeera reported that a displaced Gaza resident trying to enlarge an absorption pit for wastewater beside his tent in Gaza City’s Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood unexpectedly uncovered the body of a child who had previously been buried there when the area was being used as an improvised wartime burial site.

The incident illustrates the extraordinary overlap that has developed between displacement and burial in Gaza: People are sometimes living on land where emergency graves were dug during earlier stages of the war.

Cemeteries Within Cemeteries

The crisis is made more complicated because Gaza’s burial system itself has been transformed.

Sanad News Agency, citing the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, reported in September 2024 that around 29 major improvised mass burial locations containing more than 3,000 bodies had been identified, while more than 120 smaller improvised mass graves containing three or more people had been created across Gaza since October 2023.

Sanad has subsequently reported efforts to remove bodies from some of these temporary wartime burial grounds and rebury them in established cemeteries. In December 2025, for example, Gaza Civil Defence said 94 bodies were removed from an improvised cemetery in Sahaba Street in Gaza City as part of a wider effort that had involved moving the remains of thousands of people previously buried in emergency locations.

The result is a landscape in which the distinction between residential space, displacement camp and burial ground has repeatedly been erased.

Hundreds of Families Around One Khan Younis Cemetery

There is no reliable, comprehensive figure for how many Palestinians are currently living inside cemeteries across the entire Gaza Strip. Numbers vary according to location and repeated displacement, and families may enter or leave a site after evacuation orders, attacks or changes in military control.

It would therefore be misleading to put forward one precise Gaza-wide number.

What can be documented, however, is that the phenomenon extends well beyond a handful of isolated families.

The Palestine Information Center reported that an area around the Turkish cemetery west of Khan Younis contained hundreds of displaced Palestinian families. During an Israeli military incursion in July 2025, many fled again, leaving behind fragile tents and small quantities of food and possessions. The same report described torn tents, scattered belongings and burned food after the troops withdrew according to the Palestine Information Center.

Al Jazeera reported in July 2026 that hundreds of displaced families had erected tents in and around cemetery areas in Khan Younis, while its correspondent referred more broadly to thousands of families being driven towards cemetery areas during successive waves of displacement.

The distinction is important: Hundreds of families have been specifically documented at individual cemetery locations, but there is no authoritative census establishing the total number of people sleeping in cemeteries throughout Gaza.

Even the Cemeteries Are Not Safe

Seeking shelter among graves does not guarantee protection.

In July 2025, the Palestine Information Center reported an Israeli ground incursion around the Turkish cemetery, slaughterhouse area and outskirts of Mawasi in Khan Younis. Tanks, artillery and bulldozers entered an area where hundreds of displaced families had been sheltering, forcing people to flee once again. Residents later returned to find tents destroyed and possessions scattered.

The same report cited Gaza’s Ministry of Religious Endowments as saying around 40 cemeteries had at that stage been completely or partly damaged during the war. More recent reporting by the Palestine Information Center, citing Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, said in March 2026 that its analysis of 62 official cemeteries found 39 completely destroyed and another 19 partially damaged, leaving only four without documented damage — figures attributed to the rights organisation.

That makes the choice of a cemetery as shelter particularly bleak.

Families do not move there because they believe a graveyard is comfortable or safe. They move there because a cemetery may contain one of the few remaining pieces of ground on which nobody is demanding rent and where a tent can still be squeezed between other displaced families.

Living Beside Death

For adults, living among graves carries its own psychological burden.

For children it can be worse.

They play where bodies are buried. They walk between graves to fetch drinking water. After sunset, darkness, stray dogs, insects and the presence of the dead can turn the surroundings frightening.

Yet by morning the ordinary routines begin again.

Someone searches for water.

Someone goes to the community kitchen.

A mother washes clothes or dishes with the small amount of water available.

A fire is lit.

Children emerge from tents.

Blankets and mattresses are rearranged.

And families who once lived in houses try to reproduce the smallest elements of home in a place never intended for the living.

Gaza’s cemetery dwellers are therefore not simply another image of displacement. They represent something more disturbing: The exhaustion of alternatives.

When homes disappear, schools become shelters, shelters are overcrowded or attacked, rent is unaffordable and every supposedly safer area fills with tents, eventually even land belonging to the dead becomes valuable living space.

For some Palestinians in Gaza, the question is no longer whether anyone should have to live in a cemetery.

It is much simpler.

Where else can they go?

The above feature article is written with the help of AI based on specific information fed about Gazans being forced to seek shelter in cemetries. It’s posted on crossfirearabia.com with full links and references.

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Palestine in Color Dresses

Imtiaz Abu Awad writes:

Palestine is a land steeped in history, its civilizations and peoples existing thousands of years before the advent of the Abrahamic religions. It was home to the Canaanites and other peoples of the region. Therefore, the history of Palestine does not begin with Judaism, Christianity, or Islam; these religions arrived later in a land with a history and civilizations rooted for millennia. The Palestinians today are an extension of this land’s accumulated history. It is unacceptable to reduce Palestine to a single religious narrative or to deny the roots of a people who have lived there generation after generation. Justice today lies in preserving the Palestinians’ right to their homeland, their dignity, and their security, along with the right of all to peace.

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