US-Israel: More Than a Crack in Relations

By Mohammad Abu Rumman

The significance of the recent vote in the U.S. House of Representatives does not lie in its immediate outcome. The amendment introduced by Republican Congressman Thomas Massie to suspend roughly $3.3 billion in annual U.S. military aid to Israel was defeated by a comfortable margin, 314 votes to 104. The real surprise, however, was that 103 Democratic lawmakers voted in favor of the proposal, representing more than half of the Democrats who cast either a “yes” or “no” vote. This is difficult to dismiss as a passing protest or as the position of the party’s progressive fringe alone.

The more revealing development is that a number of those lawmakers had, until recently, been considered acceptable allies by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), with several having previously received its endorsement and political support. Yet immediately after the vote, online fundraising for fifteen of those members seeking re-election quietly disappeared from AIPAC’s donation platform. Their names remained listed among “pro-Israel” legislators, but the financial pipeline had effectively been shut off.

Against this backdrop, Vice President J.D. Vance’s recent remarks become particularly significant. Vance did not merely criticize specific Israeli policies. Speaking on Joe Rogan’s podcast, he accused elements within the Israeli government of attempting to derail U.S. negotiations with Iran and prolong the military campaign. He also referred to financial and political influence campaigns aimed at attacking American officials whose priority, in his view, was to place U.S. national interests above all else.

The debate over Israel is therefore evolving from two seemingly opposite directions that ultimately converge on the same question. Progressive Democrats approach the issue through the lens of Gaza, human rights, and the costs of unconditional American support. At the same time, an emerging current within the Republican populist right approaches it through the doctrine of “America First,” skepticism toward endless wars, and growing reluctance to see the United States become the permanent financier and guarantor of conflicts largely shaped by its allies.

This does not mean that either party is suddenly turning against Israel, nor does it suggest that the U.S.-Israel strategic alliance is on the verge of collapse. America’s military, intelligence, and institutional commitments remain deeply entrenched. What is changing, however, is the old bipartisan consensus.

Within the Democratic Party, divisions have become increasingly visible. Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries opposed the amendment, while senior Democratic figures, including Nancy Pelosi and Katherine Clark, voted in favor of it. Even J Street—the liberal pro-Israel organization that opposed the amendment itself—acknowledged that the vote represented a politically significant moment.

Republicans, meanwhile, remain broadly supportive of Israel, particularly within the party’s traditional conservative and evangelical base. For precisely that reason, Vance’s comments provoked unusually fierce criticism from Republican politicians and conservative media, who viewed them as a departure from long-standing party orthodoxy. Yet the very existence of such a dispute suggests that Israel is no longer entirely beyond debate, even within the constituency historically regarded as its strongest American supporter.

Here lies the central paradox of the current moment. Benjamin Netanyahu sought to use the Gaza war to reshape the Middle East while capitalizing on what had become an unprecedentedly close relationship with the Trump administration. Yet Israel’s successive wars—from Gaza to Lebanon and later Iran—have produced an unexpected consequence: they have triggered a broader American conversation about costs rather than strategic necessity.

Increasingly, the central question in Washington is becoming less about Israel’s security and more about America’s own national interest. Why should the United States continue to bear the financial, military, political, and diplomatic costs of these conflicts? And who ultimately determines when America enters a war—or when it leaves one?

Even the personal relationship between Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu has not escaped these contradictions. After a period of remarkable military coordination, differences emerged as Trump sought negotiations with Iran and an end to the conflict, while Netanyahu’s government viewed continued military pressure as an opportunity to pursue broader strategic objectives. What had appeared to be an exceptionally close partnership gradually evolved into a more complicated relationship marked by disagreements over ceasefires, Lebanon, and the parameters of any future understanding with Tehran.

Israel thus finds itself confronting a profound strategic paradox. It has reached perhaps the highest level of military integration with the United States in its history, while simultaneously experiencing one of the lowest levels of political acceptance among growing segments of the American public and political establishment.

The first major war fought in such close strategic coordination between Washington and Tel Aviv may well have achieved important military objectives. Yet it also accelerated the erosion of the old bipartisan consensus, reopening fundamental questions about money, influence, and the independence of American decision-making. In that sense, Israel may have won battles on the battlefield while beginning to lose something far more consequential in Washington.

The writer is a Jordan Times columnist

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Free Hussam Abu Safieh: 600 Days in Israeli Jail

By Ismail Al Sharif

This is the last time you’ll see me. They brought me here to kill me’ – Dr. Hussam Abu Safieh.

Dr. Hussam Abu Safieh, a pediatrician and director of Kamal Adwan Hospital, has been detained by the Israeli occupation forces for nearly 600 days without trial or charges.

His only crime was trying to save the children of Gaza, condemning the crimes he witnessed, and documenting the suffering of the injured children who arrived at the hospital. He shared their images and testimonies with the world; these sparked a wave of outrage and solidarity with the Palestinian people of Gaza.

The occupation has not only bombed hospitals and cut off their electricity, causing premature babies to die in their incubators, and not only prevented medicine from reaching the wounded and denied them treatment, but it has also targeted doctors, paramedics, aid workers, journalists, and anyone who reached out to save the victims.

It doesn’t want witnesses to its crimes. But wants a fully-fledged crime committed in secret, then justified with a ready-made accusation: Belonging to Hamas, or being present in a place allegedly used by members belonging to the organization.

Dr. Abu Safieh was abducted while on duty and subsequently subjected to torture and ill-treatment. His lawyer, Nasser Odeh, documented severe injuries, difficulty breathing, and repeated episodes of unconsciousness during a visit to him on 2 July this month. He was brought to the meeting handcuffed and shackled, surrounded by masked soldiers who concealed their faces, as their actions constitute a crime.

More than 200 healthcare workers have been killed in Gaza, many as a result of direct targeting, while more than 300 doctors and healthcare workers remain detained without trial or charge; as if saving children has become a crime.

Similarly, the Israeli occupation forces abducted Palestinian surgeon Khaled al-Sir from Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis while he was working and detained him for six months before releasing him from Ofer Prison. His family remained unaware of his fate throughout this period.

The thirty-two-year-old doctor described his arrest as a “nightmare,” after he was subjected to torture, humiliation, and denied medical care. He considered himself lucky to have emerged unscathed, while some of his colleagues lost limbs due to being denied medical treatment.

No war has ever claimed so many victims among those who dedicated their lives to saving others. Despite appeals from international, human rights, and grassroots organizations, Dr.  Abu Safieh and his colleagues have not been released.

Appeals are no longer enough; what is needed is genuine political pressure, and the issue of detained doctors must be at the forefront of the priorities of Arab leaders and politicians. Remaining silent about the detention of those who gave their lives to save people is not merely a sign of weakness, but a dereliction of the most basic human and moral obligations.

This is a translated piece written by Ismail Al Sharif and published in the Arabic Addustour newspaper in Amman and appears in crossfirearabia.com

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‘Dad, What’s a Ballistic Missile?’

By Firas Al Nassan

Suddenly, I realized that the war with Iran had changed the words we use every day, adding a new vocabulary to our lives, along with the sarcastic lexicon that accompanied footage of people staying up all night watching missiles, hearing air raid sirens, and brazenly dragging missile debris behind them.

My son surprised me with this question just a few days ago. He wasn’t looking for information for a homework assignment, nor was he watching a documentary; he was watching the news with me. I paused for a moment before answering him. Not because explaining the term was difficult, but because I realized that the war hadn’t just changed the political and military landscape, but also the words and semantics now echo in our homes.

Months ago, most of us couldn’t distinguish between a ballistic missile and a cruise missile, and words like “hypersonic,” “drones,” or “air interception” weren’t part of our daily conversations. Today, however, they’re on everyone’s lips. From children to the elderly, from taxi drivers to office workers who start their day by browsing the news.

Even the word “intercept” has changed its meaning. It no longer refers to interrupting someone while they’re speaking, but rather to the success of an air defense system in shooting down a missile before it reaches its target. “Barrage” is no longer associated with rain, but with the number of missiles launched simultaneously. As for “de-escalation,” it has become the most frequently used expression, and perhaps the least achievable.

Remarkably, the war has not only changed military vocabulary, but has also redefined the very concept of place. The Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, and the Red Sea are names that, for many, were merely locations on a map. Now, they have become headline news, determining oil prices, shipping traffic, flight paths, and even market sentiment.

Years ago, anyone who spoke about ballistic missiles or air defenses was considered a military expert or a security analyst. Today, these terms have become part of the general culture, used by people with ease, as if they were words they’ve known for ages.

After I finished explaining the meaning of “ballistic” to my son, it occurred to me that every war has consequences that cannot be measured solely by the number of missiles or the extent of the destruction. There is another, less noisy, impact that lingers with us for a long time: Words.

Wars not only impose new realities on the ground, but they also add new vocabulary to our language. Some of these words disappear with the end of the fighting, while others remain for years, bearing witness to an entire era.

I hope that one day my son will ask me about the meaning of a new word, one unrelated to missiles or air defenses, but rather to travel, exploration, or peace.

The author originally wrote this piece in Arabic and published in Ad Dustour daily in Amman, Jordan  

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World Cup, Wimbledon Kicks: Flags, Nepotism, Red Cards and a Watermelon!

By Saleem Ayoub Quna

For a change I would like to give credit to President Trump’s, latest attempt to support the American team before facing off Belgium’s team on July 6, when the day before, and despite his tight and loaded schedule, he called “his friend” Gianni Infantino, FIFA’s President, and asked him for a second look at the punishment against the American striker Folarin Balogun, who made a foul against a Bosnia-Herzegovina player in the match they played earlier on July 2, and which the US won 2-0.

FIFA regulations stipulate that when a player gets a red card during a match for an offense he makes against the other team, he should be suspended from playing in the following match! Mr. Infantino obliged and lifted the ban against the American player. But the match against Belgium in which Balogun played was won by Belgium 4-1.

This intervention episode by Trump on behalf of the American national soccer squad did not end there and led to a controversy that would not be settled before the closing of the 32nd round of the current international tournament.

Infantino was criticized by many within and outside the FIFA body and was asked to resign his post as head of this huge powerful organization. In brief, this episode shows that behind the broad smiles and nice words, sits a huge monster of nepotism and even possible corruption!

Also it means that sports, as a human “noble” endeavor, is not immune from certain uncouth and loath viruses that can affect and may shatter the dreams of other less resourceful nations!

Then we have the phenomenon of waiving national flags when a team wins a match. This occasion is ceased by some staff of the winning teams and players to demonstrate their support for a certain political or human cause or admiration of a person. This is exactly what Hossam Hassan, head-coach of the Egyptian team did when his players defeated Australia on July 3 as they scored 4 goals against Australia which scored only 2 goals, in the final shootout play of the match.

Coach Hassan came down to the pitch and waived the Palestinian flag in a sign of support for the Palestinians in beleaguered Gaza, which celebrated Egyptian performance at the tournament. Israel protested this solidarity gesture with Palestinians and labeled it as anti-Semitic, but FIFA officials maintained that flags belonging to FIFA members, (including Palestine) are allowed to be waived on this occasion!

On the other side of the Atlantic, and in London to be precise, another major sports event is underway, known as the Wimbledon grand slam championship. Wimbledon is known for its strict rules starting with the must-wear white attire, by all players and staff!

On June 29, the Turkish Tennis player, Zeynep Sonmez, ranked 51 by WTA, defeated American player Ann Li 2-1. Sonmez wanted to waive a sign of support for the Palestinians, but could not and according to Jamie Baker, the Wimbledon Tournament Director: “Wimbledon rules do not allow political massaging from players”!

So, what does Ms. Zeynep Somez do?! She sticks a small rubber shock absorber to her racket in a shape of a watermelon composed of the four colors of red, white, black and green! To that subtle demonstration, the Wimbledon people could not raise a finger or blow a whistle!

In this regard, other sources insisted that some people among the audience waived the Israeli which was received by a blind eye!

So next time I attend an important tournament or watch it on TV, I will keep my eyes open on tactics and kicks of this sort, which actually might add to the fun of watching!

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New York: AIPAC Stranglehold No More !

By James J. Zogby

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) has long held sway in elections, threatening and intimidating any opposition. When a critic of Israel was defeated, they boasted of victory as a lesson for others. In last week’s Democratic primary elections in New York City, three insurgent critics of Israeli policies defeated AIPAC-endorsed candidates, pointing to the potential end of an era for the pro-Israel lobby.


AIPAC’s approach to politics and elections was smart. Formed by the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, they were connected from the outset to an impressive national network of American Jewish leaders, activists, and donors they used to effectively influence members of Congress to embrace pro-Israel positions.

They’d visit elected officials in Washington seeking endorsements of legislation and enlist local leaders in a congressperson’s district to make the pitch.

They’d have local representatives offer to help write new candidates’ Middle East policy positions. Implicit were the promise of support if the official or candidate did what was asked—and the threat of opposition if they didn’t.

AIPAC also spawned a network of PACs—political action committees—to raise hundreds of thousands of dollars to distribute for or against candidates depending on their positions on Israel.

Strategic in their operations, not everyone benefited from AIPAC’s largesse.

Chairs of important congressional committees and very supportive congressmembers facing tough reelections received bundled contributions. When elected officials repeatedly stepped out of line, their opponents would benefit from PAC monies and bundled contributions from individual pro-Israel donors.

Overall, the amounts were not overwhelming but sufficient to send a message. When an election went their way, the lobby would crow about the victory, whether or not their support had been a factor. Their goal was communication: “Fear us, or you too can be defeated.”



With the end of federal oversight of independent election expenditures, AIPAC and other pro-Israel groups created “super-PACs” to raise and spend tens of millions of dollars each cycle. In 2022 and 2024, they effectively targeted a few candidates critical of Israel and spent millions to defeat them.

After Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, we’ve witnessed a dramatic collapse of public support for Israel—especially among Democrats. AIPAC can no longer make examples of just a few candidates, with well over 100 electeds now critical of Israel. Add to this that AIPAC has become so toxic they’ve been forced to create new entities or rely on alternates to distribute funds to candidates.

Meanwhile, Israel’s behaviors alienate more voters. And the more money AIPAC spends, the more toxic its brand—even when they win, their heavy-handed tactics lead to declining support.

This brings us to last week’s New York primaries, a turning point in US politics when two prominent pro-Israel members of Congress were defeated by challengers critical of Israeli policies and supporters of Palestinian justice, and a former leader of pro-Palestinian campus protests won an open race. Not only did AIPAC and its allies spend millions and fail, but also these elections were upfront about Israeli policies and Palestinian rights.



A hallmark of pro-Israel groups’ past campaign involvement was the lengths they’d go to not make support for Israel a public issue. They’d raise money from their supporters based on Israel, but their expenditures would pay for ads criticizing a candidate’s age or “radical agenda,” never mentioning the candidate’s position on Israel. In these NY contests, many issues mattered to voters, especially frustration with the Democratic establishment’s failed policies—but they were also about Israel, and voters knew it. 



In predictable reactions from the pro-Israel side, some accused the targeting of AIPAC’s money and influence as unfair or even antisemitic—ignoring decades of AIPAC boasting about its money and influence as the source of its power. Others claimed that with the election’s results, “Jews no longer feel safe in New York,” ignoring that the most prominent contest’s victor is Jewish—a self-proclaimed progressive Zionist who strongly opposed Israel’s genocide against Palestinians. Finally, some desperately attempted to dismiss the entire election as just about New York with no larger significance, ignoring the changed national political landscape as similar contests emerge everywhere. 



The bottom line is that after a half-century AIPAC’s hold over politics has been weakened. It won’t go away anytime soon, but a real debate over US Middle East policy can now take place. Thank you, New York voters

James J. Zogby is president of the Washington-based Arab American Institute  and contributed this article to The Jordan Times

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