Ghasan Kanfani: The Novelist, Activist, Fighter, Marxist and Musician

By Louis Brehony

“Our songs are swords when we brandish them.”

– Mahmoud Darwish

Descriptions of assassinated Palestinian writer and leader Ghassan Kanafani are not merely superlative. A novelist, political theorist, Marxist-Leninist, newspaper editor, visual artist, playwright, public speaker and more, Ghassan had so many strings to his bow that his late comrade Fadle al-Nakib called him an example in “total resistance.” Fellow cultural activist and PFLP leader in Lebanon, Marwan Abd el-’Al told me that anytime those in his organization introduce Ghassan’s works, his name is necessarily prefaced with “the martyr, the leader” and other titles, both honorific and viscerally embedded in a multilayered legacy.

Coining the term “resistance literature” through his introduction of Mahmoud Darwish, Tawfiq Zayyad, and other then-young Palestinian poets to the displaced masses, Ghassan was himself a genre-defying pioneer in the field. But, in the era of Arab singers Fairuz, Umm Kulthum and Abdel Halim Hafiz, and with the rebirth of Palestinian revolutionary song by the late 1960s, was there also a musical Ghassan? Could “musician” be added to his titles?

Fear not, dear reader. In a world of misattributed poetry, false quotations and AI slop images, this is not my attempt to add another myth to a cause grounded in violent materialism and real-life resistance. At the same time, with music central to Palestinian liberation, musical themes in Ghassan’s works are a present and unique window into understanding the assassinated writer’s worldview.

A strong case in point came in 1957 when a then 21-year-old Ghassan was living between Syria and Kuwait. Unable to finish his university studies in Damascus “for political reasons,” he had already been recruited to the Arab Nationalist Movement (ANM) founded by George Habash, Hani al-Hindi and other activists. Working as a teacher in Kuwait, Ghassan also worked on the editorial board of the ANM newspaper al-Ra‘i (The Viewpoint) and published short stories there and in the organization’s al-Tali’a (Vanguard) magazine. During these years of exile, camp poverty and reorganization, music for Palestine was largely voiced by non-Palestinians.

A rising star, Lebanese singer Fairuz released Rajioun (We are Returning) in 1957. Composed by the Rahbani brothers and steered by Palestinian producer Sabri Sharif, the album was filled with imagery of village life, olives and Palestine, less than a decade on from the horrors of the Nakba:

Love and Jerusalem on the mind

Despite the impossible

and a night where beauty did not depart

Yet justice has vanished

and the shadows have turned black

Built operatically around Western orchestration and Fairuz’ voice, the 12-minute title track broke through bleakness to declare in its finale:

Amidst sand and shadows, in ravines and on hills

We are returning! We are returning! We are returning!

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Ghassan Kanafani was among the Palestinians to take heart from these words. Also a budding artist, he produced an artwork, “The Return,” in the wake of Rajioun’s release. Like the Fairuz album artwork, Ghassan used a black canvas and white paint, in a simple line-drawing. On mountains dotted with village buildings, below birds migrating in the same direction, a huddle of refugees walk together: elderly people carrying walking sticks, children, women carrying babies. Above them is the figure of a youth, carrying a pointed weapon; behind him, the flag of Palestine, glowing like a torch. Below the imagery, Ghassan wrote the words:

We are returning! We are returning! We are returning!

The reference was direct and an indication of the popularity Fairuz and others singing for Palestine found among young ANM activists of the time.

Ghassan would work Fairuz into his literature too. In August of the same year, he wrote the short story “Path to a Traitor” (Darbu ila-Kha’in) in Damascus. Travelers on the desert road from Baghdad to the Jordanian transit city of al-Mafraq find a stopping point at a shelter built by Bedouins:

“We were waiting for tea.

 The desert was open in front of us, vast and silent, bathed in the gentle glow of the moon. Cool breezes passed lightly through the tent, lending the place a certain holiness. I felt no desire to talk nor listen to others, just to gaze outwards. But, despite this, I felt a touch of delight when I caught the words of someone over on the wooden platform opposite:

‘All that this atmosphere is missing is the voice of Fairuz.’”

Music could also be used in symbolic ways that recreated the “atmosphere” of Palestine before its colonization. During his time as a militant of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and two months before he became founding editor of its al-Hadaf newspaper, Ghassan wrote the Nakba story, “He was then a Child” (Kan Yumathak Tiflan). The story’s opening describes the backdrop of a winding journey of passengers on the back of a transport car from Haifa to Acre, of treetops, stone walls and the Mediterranean breeze. The narrative centers on a young boy:

“Ahmad took the shabbabeh (reed flute) from his basket, leaned back in the corner of the vehicle and began to play an ‘ataaba – the heartbroken melody for an eternal lover, at home in any of the villages scattered like an earthly constellation across the length and breadth of Galilee.”

As the passengers traveled to the sounds of this skillful young boy, “the melody emanated from everything around them,” and their conversation was dispersed with talk about the olive harvest and a Zionist massacre of orphans in Haifa. At one point, the driver joins Ahmed, singing romantic lyrics along to his melody.

The ‘ataaba is a folk form found historically in Palestine, Lebanon and the near region, relying on improvised poetry around a set rhyming scheme and a known melody. In the same oral tradition, Ghassan would later include examples of sahja, another genre of folk poetry, in his 1966 book Resistance Literature in Occupied Palestine, 1948-66. It is clear that he and the musical revolutionaries of his generation saw these traditional song forms as referential to Palestinians’ rootedness on the land.

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In “He was then a Child,” the journey of the passengers is cut short when a band of Zionist terrorists orders them off the bus. After being searched, their leader orders a young machine-gun-toting recruit to kill them, their bodies falling into a trench. The boy is the only survivor – the killers want him alive to tell others, to spread the fear of more massacres among the Palestinians and hence expel them from their land. Told to run or face gunfire, the boy, who had been beaten by the paramilitary leader, soon stops in the middle of the road to ponder what just happened. He walks away calmly, rhythmically. Palestine would live to carry its melody onwards.

Ghassan was clearly drawn to music. Seeking deeper understandings of world politics, his early forays into Marxism were accompanied by both the literature and music of the Soviet Union – the composer Sergei Prokofiev is named in his notebooks of the 1950s. Family members remember that Ghassan collected vinyl records at their home in Hazmieh, Beirut, and that he had a particular affinity for Nina Simone and other black US singers. Finding out that Ertha Kitt and other touring musicians had performed on Israeli stages, he wrote them letters denouncing normalisation and demanding a boycott. 

Later, as Ghassan edited al-Hadaf, pages of the newspaper would increasingly connect the black struggle in the US to the global fight against racism and imperialism, reporting on the 1971 Attica prison uprising and demanding freedom for imprisoned activists like Angela Davis.

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 His comrade and widow Anni Kanafani remembers that “Ghassan and I loved singing and dancing,” and during their 1964 trip to visit her family in Denmark, their gathering featured “speeches, songs and dances. Ghassan even taught the guests the Palestinian/Lebanese folkdance, the Dabke…” The next year, while traveling in China as a journalist with al-Muharrir newspaper, he attended the 1 October Revolution celebrations and wrote:

“From early morning we heard the loud crescendo of singing and music before we were driven to the main square. There we were looked on, amazed by the indescribable spectacle of half a million people marching in columns amidst the vibrant colours so characteristic of China.”

Ghassan and his comrades took worldly influences as they forged a new path ahead, with internationalism in politics and culture already part of their practice as they formed the PFLP. As leftists in the liberation movement engaged in years of intense debate, writing and guerrilla training, Ghassan produced two epochal studies on resistance literature. Both contained long collections of poems by figures who were then rather obscure, including Mahmoud Darwish, Tawfiq Zayyad and Rashid Hussein. Some of these poems became songs, with lyrics used by Sabreen and al-Fajer bands, and musicians like George Kirmiz and Mustafa al-Kurd in the 1980s found in the poetry compendiums Ghassan compiled in the mid-1960s.

Indeed, the resistance poetry of this era still finds musicians keen to put the words to song, as in a 2021 version of “A Lover from Palestine” by Gaza’s Sol band and songwriter Nahed Elrayes. The Darwish poem appeared twice in Resistance Literature in Occupied Palestine, with emphasis on the stanza that said, “Our songs are swords when we brandish them.”

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This work of poetic rebellion serves to push back against Zionist attempts to smash Palestinians’ connections to a vibrant heritage of political culture. Verses of “Hizz al-Rimh” (Shake the Spear) quoted in Ghassan’s 1972 work The 1936-39 Revolt in Palestine were sung by Rawan Okasha’s Dawaween band in Gaza between the Second Intifada and al-Aqsa Flood.

The brutal assassination of Ghassan Kanafani and his niece Lamis Najem on July 8, 1972 did not have the intended effect of severing the revolutionary influence of the PFLP writer and leader from the cause of Palestine. One indication of this comes through his own immortalization through song. When we compiled the book Ghassan Kanafani: Selected Political Writings, we began with the words of Ghazi Mikdashi, who led a children’s choir in Lebanon in the 1970s, singing “Ghassan taught us the love of the cause.”

 Dedications to his legacy have also been sung by Lebanese icon Wadi’ al-Safi, Palestinian vocalist Amal Kaawash, and by the mothers of political prisoners released from the jails of the occupation. Whether or not we call Ghassan a musician, the role of revolutionary music in his life and afterlife is undeniable. May he continue to dance dabke along the path of total resistance.

– Louis Brehony is a musician, activist, researcher and educator. He is author of the book Palestinian Music in Exile: Voices of Resistance (2023), editor of Ghassan Kanafani: Selected Political Writings (2024), and director of the award-winning film Kofia: A Revolution Through Music (2021). He writes regularly on Palestine and political culture and performs internationally as a buzuq player and guitarist. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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Last Wedding in Tantura

Tantura was a Palestinian fishing village of around 1,500 residents located south of Haifa. On May 22–23, 1948, during the Nakba, the village was captured and ethnically cleansed by the Alexandroni Brigade. Testimonies and historical accounts indicate that more than 200 unarmed villagers and disarmed fighters were massacred and buried in mass graves.

Tantura symbolizes far more than the destruction of a single village. It represents the violent interruption of ordinary Palestinian life in 1948: homes abandoned, families torn apart, futures stolen, and entire communities turned into memory overnight.

Yet even in loss, Palestinians continue to insist on dignity, memory, and survival. It is also a reminder that our love for one another, and for our land, remains stronger than displacement and erasure.
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Last wedding in Tantura (العرس الاخير في الطنطورة), acrylic and oil on canvas, 2022

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Israeli Soldiers: ‘…We Had to Kill Arabs’

Newly disclosed testimonies by Israeli soldiers and archival documents published by Israeli newspaper Haaretz have shed new light on the displacement of Palestinians and Syrians during and after the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, with accounts describing killings, expulsions, destruction of villages and widespread looting.

The investigation, published ahead of the 59th anniversary of the war and authored by Adam Raz, a researcher at the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research, is based on previously unpublished soldiers’ testimonies, military records, government correspondence and archival material.

According to the report, approximately 300,000 Arabs were expelled or displaced from the West Bank, Gaza Strip and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights during and after the June 1967 war.

Haaretz said many of the testimonies originated from discussions held among Israeli soldiers in kibbutzim, Israel’s collective farming communities, shortly after the war. While some excerpts later appeared in the influential 1967 book, The Seventh Day: Soldiers Talk about the Six-Day War, numerous accounts describing alleged war crimes remained unpublished for decades.

Several testimonies cited by the newspaper describe killings of prisoners, civilians and refugees. One soldier was quoted as saying: “At first I wasn’t willing to execute Arabs who weren’t resisting. Then we came to the conclusion that we had to kill.”

Another soldier described operations in Gaza after the war, saying: “Human lives didn’t matter. You could kill, there was no law. No one would say a word to you.”

A third testimony referred to what the soldier described as “punitive expeditions” in Gaza’s refugee camps. “We caught guys, lined them up and eliminated them. In retrospect, it looks like murder,” he said.

Shoot-at-sight orders for West Bank returnees

The report also cites testimonies and archival documents alleging that Israeli forces were ordered to prevent Palestinians who had fled across the Jordan River from returning to the West Bank after the fighting ended.

According to Haaretz, soldiers received instructions to shoot people attempting to cross back into the territory.

The newspaper cited testimony later published by former Israeli lawmaker Uri Avnery, who quoted a soldier as saying troops had received orders to “shoot, to kill, without prior warning.”

Another soldier recalled questioning whether such orders applied even if families with children were crossing the river. According to the testimony, he asked: “If I hear babies crying, should I shoot then too?” and was told: “Don’t be a girl.”

Haaretz said military records indicated that by early September 1967, nearly 150 Palestinians had been killed while attempting to return from Jordan. The newspaper also cited statements by senior Israeli military officials acknowledging the existence of orders aimed at preventing refugee returns.

According to the investigation, displacement during the war was not solely the result of battlefield conditions. The report cites government discussions and military documents suggesting that senior Israeli political and military leaders viewed the departure of Arab residents as desirable and, in some cases, encouraged or facilitated it.

Among the most prominent examples highlighted by the report was the expulsion of residents from the Latrun villages of Imwas, Yalo and Beit Nuba west of Jerusalem. The villages were captured during the war and their approximately 8,000 residents were ordered to leave, according to the investigation.

Haaretz reported that the villages were subsequently demolished and their inhabitants prevented from returning. The area later became the site of Canada Park.

‘Population transfer’

The newspaper also cited testimony from Ishai Amrami, a deputy battalion commander during the war, who later described what he witnessed as “an attempt at massive population transfer.”

The investigation further details events in Qalqilya and other communities near the Green Line, where residents were allegedly encouraged or forced to leave through military pressure, loudspeaker announcements, transportation arrangements and destruction of homes.

According to the report, tens of thousands of Palestinians also fled or were displaced from refugee camps in the Jericho area and elsewhere in the West Bank. Many carried memories of the 1948 Nakba and feared another permanent displacement.

The report revisits events in Gaza as well, where soldiers described raids, arrests and killings in refugee camps after the war. One soldier was quoted as saying: “We would roam through refugee camps in Gaza and carry out purges.”

Another testimony stated: “Every man we saw was a combatant,” while acknowledging that civilians may also have been among those killed.

Beyond the Palestinian territories, Haaretz reported that approximately 120,000 Syrians left or were expelled from the Golan Heights after Israeli forces captured the territory from Syria.

The newspaper cited military documents and testimonies indicating that villages in the Golan Heights were later demolished to prevent residents from returning. According to the report, Israeli commander Elad Peled later described a decision to bring in bulldozers and destroy villages “so there would be nowhere to return.”

Haaretz also cited reports submitted by Syria to the United Nations and records from the International Committee of the Red Cross alleging intimidation, forced displacement, looting and destruction of civilian property in the occupied territory.

Israel warned of legal repercussions

The investigation further describes what it says was widespread looting in areas captured during the war. According to the report, soldiers, civilians and local authorities participated in the removal of property from Palestinian and Syrian homes, schools, businesses and public institutions.

Among the documents cited is a previously unpublished 1967 letter by Theodor Meron, then legal adviser to Israel’s Foreign Ministry. According to Haaretz, Meron warned that expulsions of civilians constituted “a serious violation of the Geneva Convention” and could create diplomatic complications for Israel.

The report says Israeli officials were aware of legal concerns surrounding the expulsions but nevertheless approved measures aimed at preventing displaced populations from returning and consolidating control over newly occupied territories.

The Six-Day War began on June 5, 1967, and ended with Israel capturing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. While Israel later returned Sinai to Egypt under the 1979 peace treaty, it continues to occupy the West Bank and the Golan Heights.

For Palestinians, the conflict is remembered as the Naksa, or setback, which triggered a new wave of displacement nearly two decades after the 1948 Nakba and remains a defining event in collective Palestinian memory. Anadolu

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Israel’s War on Truth

By Ramzy Baroud

The killing of seven Palestinian journalists and media workers in Gaza on August 10 has prompted verbal condemnations, yet has inspired little to no substantive action. This has become the predictable and horrifying trajectory of the international community’s response to the ongoing Israeli genocide.

By eliminating Palestinian journalists like Anas al-Sharif and Mohammed Qraiqeh, Israel has made a sinister statement that the genocide will spare no one. According to the monitoring website Shireen.ps, Israel has killed nearly 270 journalists since October 2023.

More journalists are likely to die covering the genocide of their own people in Gaza, especially since Israel has manufactured a convenient and easily deployed narrative that every Gazan journalist is simply a “terrorist”. This is the same cruel logic offered by numerous Israeli officials in the past, including Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who declared that “an entire nation” in Gaza “is responsible” for not having rebelled against Hamas, effectively stating that there are no innocent people in Gaza.

This Israeli discourse, which dehumanizes entire populations based on a vicious logic, is frequently repeated by officials who fear no accountability. Even Israeli diplomats, whose job in theory is to improve their country’s image internationally, frequently engage in this brutal ritual. In comments made in January 2024, Israeli ambassador to the UK, Tzipi Hotovely, callously argued that “every school, every mosque, every second house has access to tunnels,” implying that all of Gaza is a valid military target.

This cruelty of language would be easily dismissed as mere rhetoric, except that Israel has, in fact, according to Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor reports, destroyed over 70 per cent of Gaza’s infrastructure.

While extremist language is often used by politicians around the world, it is rare for the extremism of the language to so precisely mirror the extremism of the action itself. This makes Israeli political discourse a uniquely dangerous phenomenon.

There can be no military justification for the wholesale annihilation of an entire region. Yet again, the Israelis are not shying away from providing the political discourse that explains this unprecedented destruction. Former Knesset member Moshe Feiglin chillingly said, last May, that “Every child, every baby in Gaza is an enemy… not a single Gazan child will be left there.

But for the systematic destruction of a whole nation to succeed, it must include the deliberate targeting of its scientists, doctors, intellectuals, journalists, artists and poets. While children and women remain the largest categories of victims, many of those killed in deliberate assassinations appear to be targeted specifically to disorient Palestinian society, deprive it of societal leadership, and render the process of rebuilding Gaza impossible.

These figures powerfully illustrate this point: according to a report released by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, based on the latest satellite damage assessment conducted in July, 97 per cent of Gaza’s educational facilities have been affected, with 91 per cent in need of major repairs or full reconstruction. Additionally, hundreds of teachers and thousands of students have been killed.

But why is Israel so intent on killing those responsible for intellectual production? The answer is twofold: one unique to Gaza, and the other unique to the nature of Israel’s founding ideology, Zionism.

First, regarding Gaza: Since the Nakba in 1948, Palestinian society in Gaza has invested heavily in education, seeing it as a crucial tool for liberation and self-determination. Early footage shows classrooms being held in tents and open spaces, a testament to this community’s tenacious pursuit of knowledge. This focus on education transformed the Strip into a regional hub for intellectual and cultural production, despite poorly funded UNRWA schools. Israel’s campaign of destruction is a deliberate attempt to erase this generational achievement, a practice known as scholasticide, and Gaza is the most deliberate example of this horrific act.

Second, regarding Zionism: For many years, we were led to believe that Zionism was winning the intellectual war due to the cleverness and refinement of Israeli propaganda, or hasbara. The prevailing narrative, particularly in the Arab world, was that Palestinians and Arabs were simply no match for the savvy Israeli and pro-Israeli public relations machine in Western media. This created a sense of intellectual inferiority, masking the true reason for the imbalance.

Israel was able to “win” in mainstream media discourse due to the intentional marginalisation and demonisation of Palestinian and pro-Palestinian voices. The latter had no chance of fighting back simply because they were not allowed to, and were instead labeled as “terrorist sympathizers” and the like. Even the late, world-renowned Palestinian scholar Edward Said was called a “Nazi” by the extremist, now-banned Jewish Defense League, who went so far as to set the beloved professor’s university office on fire.

Gaza, however, represented a major problem. With foreign media forbidden from operating in the Strip per Israeli orders, the Gazan intellectual rose to the occasion and, in the course of two years, managed to reverse most of Zionism’s gains over the past century. This forced Israel into a desperate race against time to remove as many Palestinian journalists, intellectuals, academics, and even social media influencers from the scene as quickly as possible—thus, the war on the Palestinian thinker.

The Israeli logic, however, is destined to fail, as ideas are not tied to specific individuals, and resilience and resistance are a culture, not a job title. Gaza shall once more emerge, not only as the culturally thriving place it has always been, but as the cornerstone of a new liberation discourse that is set to inspire the globe regarding the power of intellect to stand firm, to fight for what is right, and to live with purpose for a higher cause.

Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His forthcoming book, ‘Before the Flood,’ will be published by Seven Stories Press. His other books include ‘Our Vision for Liberation’, ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Jordan Times

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Rebuilding Gaza: The Arab Plan V. Trump’s Displacement

By Michael Jansen

The Muslim world has added its considerable weight to the plan adopted by the Arab summit for the reconstruction of Gaza while Palestinians remain in the strip. A meeting last week in Jeddah at foreign minister level of the 57-member Organisation for Islamic Cooperation extended full support to the detailed plan drawn up by Egypt. Therefore, both the Arab world and worldwide Muslim Umma have rejected the proposal of Donald Trump to expel 2.3 million Palestinians from Gaza and transform the devastated coastal trip into a “Middle Eastern Riviera.”

The 91-page $53 billion Egyptian plan itself is a major accomplishment as it was drawn up in less than 30 days. Its framework was presented last month to a mini-summit in Saudi Arabia of the Gulf countries, Egypt and Jordan, and approved on by Arab foreign ministers ahead of the maxi-summit.

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During the first six-month $3 billion stage of the plan Hamas would cease administering Gaza and a committee of Palestinian technocrats overseen by the Palestinian Authority would clear rubble from the main north-south Salaheddin highway. Palestinian residents would shift to seven relatively clear sites where 200,000 temporary housing units would be built to shelter 1.2 million. Additionally, 60,000 damaged buildings would be repaired to house thousands. Egypt and Jordan would train a Palestinian police force to enable a reformed Palestinian Authority to take over Gaza’s governance from Hamas. Nothing was said about disarming Hamas’ military wing which could be a contentious issue.

The second $20 billion two-year reconstruction stage would focus on permanent housing and rehabilitation of agricultural land, electricity, water, sewage and telecom-munications. The third 2.5-year stage costing $30 billion would continue with housing and build an industrial zone, a fishing port, a commercial seaport, and an international airport. Funding would be raised from donors in the Gulf, Europe, the US and international financial institutions. Disbursement and investment would be internationally supervised.

It is hardly surprising that the US and Israel should reject the Arab/Muslim plan. US National Security Council spokesman Brian Hughes issued a statement which said, “The current proposal does not address the reality that Gaza is currently uninhabitable, and residents cannot humanely live in a territory covered in debris and unexploded ordnance. President Trump stands by his vision to rebuild Gaza free from Hamas. We look forward to further talks to bring peace and prosperity to the region.” Trump, however, did not propose a Gaza free from Hamas but a Gaza free from Palestinians. This is neither acceptable nor legal under international law.

Despite, Hughes dismissal, Washington appears to be divided. Trump’s regional envoy Steve Witkoff said, “There’s a lot of compelling features” in Egypt’s plan for postwar Gaza, and observed that there was “a path” for Hamas to leave Gaza.

The Israeli foreign ministry said the Egyptian plan “fails to address the realities of the situation.” For the ministry these “realities” were created by the October 7th, 2023, raid on southern Israel by Hamas which killed 1,200. Naturally, the ministry reiterated Israel’s support for Trump’s plan as “an opportunity for the Gazans to have free choice based on their free will.” By this, the ministry meant bombed and starved Palestinians would freely choose to leave Gaza although Gazans have said they have chosen to stay in the strip despite dire conditions.

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Gazans are determined to resist a second Nakba, their catastrophic 1948 expulsion from their cities, towns and villages. This left them homeless, landless and stateless and the world has done nothing to remedy their situation over the past 77-years although the “path” to a Palestinian state has been charted since 1988 when the Palestinian National Council issued the Palestinian Declaration of Independence and a call for a mini-state in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza, 22 per cent of the Palestinian homeland.

 While 30 per cent of Gazans are indigenous, 70 per cent were driven into the Gaza strip from nearby areas. Many still live in UN refugee camps. More than 30,000 took part in the Great March of Return by protesting along the border between Gaza and Israel. The demonstrations began on March 30, 2018, and continued until December 27, 2019. The mainly peaceful protesters demanded the right to go home in areas conquered by Israel in 1948 and an end to the Israeli blockade of Gaza. Israeli snipers opened fire at protesters, killing 266 youngsters and injuring almost 30,000 others, Gaza’s health ministry reported. Many of the injured received crippling wounds in the legs.

These demonstrations should have been proof positive that Gazans are not going anywhere else. For them, Gaza is their home, their present and their future. The Arab plan is designed to provide a decent life for native Gazans and refugees alike in a scrap of territory which amounts to one per cent of their occupied Palestinian homeland.

The writer is a columnist in The Jordan Times.

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