Hanthala Outlasts Naji Al Ali as He Predicted

By the time he died on August 29, 1987, he had a collection of 40,000 cartoons. Naji Al Ali, the famous Palestinian cartoonist, had been in a coma for five weeks after being shot in the head by a gunman outside the London offices of Al Qabas newspaper on July 22.

Although till now nobody is certain of who killed him, Al Ali’s death was a result of decades of rebelliousness against the Arab status quo, his longing for change in Arab society, and the introduction of democracy.

He felt this would be translated into political strength to fight for the return of Palestine. Al Ali had the knack of weaving politics and culture together. His drawings had distinct messages: they were contextual, fighting against injustice and oppression in the Arab world.

Naji Al Ali was one of a kind. In few simple lines, he could depict the drama of a whole population and convey messages sometimes so sharp and rich in symbols that the viewer’s attention was effortlessly drawn to understanding the hidden meanings.

Though his messages were politically-driven, he always maintained he was apolitical and that politics did nothing for him.

This is despite the fact that his life had come to be dictated by a series of political actions. His expulsion, along with his family, to Lebanon in 1948, and ending up in Ain Al Hilweh camp, was but the first of these actions. Al Ali was only 10 or 11 when he was forced out of Shajara, a village of 400 that were destroyed by Israel.

Given a chance

In the 1950s, before being given the chance to go to Kuwait, his life was immersed in politics. He took part in demonstrations and served time in Lebanese jails. During this time, he started drawing on the walls of the camp and in prison.

“I felt within me a need for a different medium to express what I was going through,” he used to say. He often said he felt it was harder to censor a cartoon than an article. Al Ali’s talent was first discovered by Ghassan Kanafani, the Palestinian writer and activist killed by the Israelis in the early 1970s. He was visiting the camp at the time, came upon Al Ali’s work, took a sample and latter published them in Al Hurriya, the magazine he was working for.

This may have given Al Ali the opportunity to work in Kuwait in 1964 at the Al Talieh magazine, a now well-established weekly, representing the voice of the nationalists. There, he made his professional career as a cartoonist, though he did other things as well. In 1971 he returned to Lebanon where he worked in the well-respected Al Saffir.

It was in Lebanon he found the best and most productive years of his life, he would later write. “There, surrounded by the violence of many an army, and finally by the Israeli invasion (1982), I stood facing it all with my pen every day, I never felt fear, failure or despair, and I didn’t surrender. I faced armies with cartoons and drawings of hope and flowers, hope and bullets.”

But, contrary to this cheerful attitude, one also felt there was a degree of anger, mixed with cynicism and despair within Naji Al Ali that always prompted him in his cartoons; it was the failure of action, of ineptitude and the lack of Arab resolve.

That’s why he may have created the Hanthala cartoon that always came to appear in his sketches from the 1960s onwards. In fact, in an almost perceptive vision of his death, Ali would say Hanthala would outlast him and would live long after he was was dead.

Hanthala, whose name means bitterness in Arabic , represents the aspirations of the camp refugees and the right of return. We never see his face as he is never shown facing the reader.

Naji Al Ali described him as a bare-footed child with spiky hair, with his hands firmly clasped behind his back as a symbol of rejection to what happened to the Palestinians. He will only turn his head, when Palestine is regained. Hanthala will remain 10 years old until he returns to the homeland, when he will start growing up again.

After 1982, Naji Al Ali went back to Kuwait to work in Al Qabas, but there was no let down in his political message. In 1985, he was expelled, but continued to work in the newspaper’s London office.

His cartoons continued to appear in many daily newspapers across the region in Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Tunisia and Lebanon.

Did Al Ali’s untimely death at the age of 51, mean Hanthala will never turn his head, or will he wait for someone to redraw him.

Whichever the case, and in the spirit of his creator, he will continue with his back to the audience until Palestine is liberated.

This article, written by me, is reprinted here from the archives of Gulf News.

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‘No One in Lebanon Wants to Normalize with Israel,’ says PM Nawaf Salam

Lebanon doesn’t want to normalize with Israel, pure and simple. Despite increasing pressure from the US administration, the government in Beirut is against any normalization moves with Israel.

“No one in Lebanon wants normalization with Israel,” says Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. “It is rejected by all Lebanese people,” he added.

The comments of the newly-elected Lebanese Prime Minister, made Wednesday, to a delegation from the Lebanese Press Editors Association, are trending on the social media.

“International and Arab diplomatic pressure on Israel to halt its attacks has not been exhausted,” noting that “no one wants normalization with Israel in Lebanon, which is rejected by all Lebanese,” as carried by the naharnet website.

Salam said Lebanon would not establish ties with Israel even though the latter still controls five border posts in Lebanon and which have “have no military or security value, but Israel holds them to keep pressure on Lebanon.”

Local media reports have emerged about US pressure on Lebanon to reach “an agreement that is less than normalization and more than an armistice” with Israel according to Anadolu.

A ceasefire was reached by the two countries at the end of last November after a fully-fledged war that began in September following months of cross-border fire.  

Israel has repeatedly violated the terms of the ceasefire since then with 1,250 violations, 100 deaths and 330 injuries as reported by the Lebanese authorities.

Israel was supposed to withdraw from Lebanon by 26 January, 2025, extended the deadline to 18 February and still refuses to comply maintaining a outposts at five border-points.

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25 Centimeters of Snow Fall on Lebanon

Lebanon has been hit by a snowstorm and heavy rains, in the worst weather conditions in a decade.

Snow covered several villages and towns in mountainous areas of the western Beqaa region in eastern Lebanon, the state news agency NNA reported on Thursday.

With snow accumulating up to 25 centimeters, several towns in the Rachaya district became isolated, NNA said.

Heavy rainfall was also reported in Lebanon’s coastal areas.

Municipal authorities and the army have deployed snowplows and heavy machinery to reopen several roads that were blocked by the snowstorm.

The Lebanese Meteorological Service said the country is experiencing cloudy weather that is causing the temperature to drop below the seasonal averages.

Several other Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Palestine, Syria, and Türkiye, are also experiencing severe weather conditions with heavy rains and snowfall, particularly in their mountainous areas according to Anadolu.

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Jordan, Trump and The High Stakes of Politics

The recent remarks by US President Donald Trump suggesting the displacement of Gaza’s residents to Egypt and Jordan as a “practical solution” for Gaza’s reconstruction carries significant risks. This proposal not only overlooks the fundamental complexities of the issue, from the acceptance of displacement by Gaza’s residents to the logistical feasibility of relocating populations and securing the consent of all involved parties, but also reveals that forced displacement appears to be Trump’s primary solution, one that the region may have to contend with for years to come.

It is essential to remember that we are observing Trump in the early phases of his political return. He is eager to present himself as a strong and decisive leader capable of imposing solutions, even if they appear coercive. However, as with many theoretical ideas that seem simple at first glance, the real challenge lies in their practical implementation.

We are living through an unprecedented era. The events following October 7 have fundamentally altered the region. Gaza is witnessing destruction on a scale it has never seen before. Amid this devastation, Israel appears to be betting on worsening the humanitarian crisis, hoping to make life in Gaza unbearable for its residents. This coincides with difficulties in finding realistic reconstruction solutions or even implementing humanitarian relief efforts that adequately respond to the scale of the disaster. 

Israel’s strategic vision is focused on achieving demographic displacement in Gaza and redrawing its geographic landscape. These goals might seem attainable if the crisis continues, and the humanitarian catastrophe deepens. What is alarming, however, is that proposing Jordan as an option in this context may implicitly lay the groundwork for considering it a destination for displaced Palestinians from the West Bank as well, should this theory of forced displacement extend beyond Gaza. 

Indeed, Israel is actively pursuing this scenario by seeking to reshape the geography of the West Bank through dismantling densely populated areas, such as the refugee camps in Jenin, Nablus and Tulkarm. This objective aligns with the vision of the Trump administration, which supports Israel’s ambitions under the framework of “Judea and Samaria.” Neither Egypt nor Jordan has had sufficient opportunity to directly engage with the US administration to present alternatives or explain the security, economic, and political risks associated with these proposals. 

Jordan’s strategic response should focus on warning against these scenarios while presenting viable alternatives. Highlighting the potential shocks these steps could inflict on a key ally like the United States is crucial. Additionally, Jordan has several cards to play, particularly in the economic domain. These include regional energy projects, development initiatives, and the reconstruction of Syria. Such endeavours could offer the US tangible benefits across multiple fronts, forming the foundation for alternative approaches. 

In short, navigating Trump’s looming flood of proposals requires a nuanced understanding of American perspectives and avoiding direct confrontation whenever possible. At the same time, Jordan must strengthen its position with robust Arab support. Elevating strategic relations with Saudi Arabia is particularly crucial, given its dominant role in the current and upcoming phases and its centrality to Trump’s economic and political ambitions, including regional peace efforts. 

Nevertheless, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s visit to Washington may signal a new escalation in the region. The Gaza conflict remains unresolved, and tensions in the West Bank and Lebanon persist. If the conflict extends further to Iran, a broader escalation could stretch from Iraq to Iran, potentially resulting in the imposition of forced displacement as a grim humanitarian reality, especially if violence escalates once again in Gaza and intensifies in the West Bank.

Dr Amer Al Sabaileh is a professor and a columnist at the Jordan Times

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