Can Netanyahu Reshape The Middle East?

By Mohammad Abu Rumman

What happened on October 7th was not merely a surprise, bloody attack for Israel—it marked a watershed moment that redefined its security doctrine and the limits of its regional project. It was a moment strikingly similar to what the events of September 11th represented for the United States. Immediately after the launch of the Al Aqsa Flood operation, prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu wasted no time in drawing a direct comparison to 9/11.

This comparison was not just rhetorical or meant to rally emotions. It reflects a much deeper strategic vision. Netanyahu is using the shock of the attack to advance an old-new Israeli project: restructuring the region’s security and political landscape in a way that guarantees Israel near-absolute security in a demilitarised environment, free of any threats.

After the 9/11 attacks, US neoconservatives in the White House seized the moment to implement the “Project for the New American Century”—a vision developed by think tanks and figures like Paul Wolfowitz, William Kristol and Robert Kagan. Founded in 1997, the project aimed to reshape the global order and maintain American dominance, with Iraq, Syria, and Iran at the heart of its ambitions. September 11th became the ideal pretext to accelerate this vision through the invasion of Iraq and redrawing the map of the Middle East.

Today, Netanyahu is doing something strikingly similar. He sees the Al Aqsa Flood as a historic opportunity to accelerate his own regional vision—one that is no longer confined to Gaza but extends to southern Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Gaza again, and even the political dynamics in Turkey and several Arab states.

Those following Netanyahu’s rhetoric—and that of his ministers—can clearly see that Israel is no longer content with merely deterring its enemies. It now seeks to re-engineer the entire geopolitical landscape of the region. In southern Syria, Netanyahu stated clearly: “We will not allow any military forces threatening our borders to remain in southern Syria, and we will not return to the old equation.” Defence minister Yoav Gallant added that Israel will reshape the reality there to ensure its strategic security—which essentially means preventing the Syrian army from returning to its previous positions and enforcing a safe corridor between Sweida and the Golan Heights in line with Israeli interests.

In Lebanon, the objective has shifted from merely weakening Hizbollah to explicitly disarming the group entirely and eliminating its missile capabilities, which pose a direct threat to Israel.

In Gaza, the discussion is no longer about reconstruction or humanitarian relief. The conversation centers on the “day after”—meaning the complete removal of Hamas, disarmament of all resistance forces, and transforming Gaza into a powerless entity under full Israeli security control.

Even the proposed Palestinian state mentioned in the recent New York declaration is envisioned as a demilitarized one—to appease Netanyahu. Yet, he still won’t accept it. Israel has already moved past the idea of any sovereign Palestinian state. What’s “allowed”, according to current Israeli thinking, are fragmented cantons and voluntary or forced displacement of Palestinians.

As for Iran, Israel’s confrontation with Tehran is open-ended, aiming to reduce its missile capabilities and eliminate its strategic threat. It is also plausible that Israel’s strategic vision may extend to shaping the political scene in Turkey—possibly by pushing for a government more aligned with Israeli interests—and exerting pressure on certain Arab states, even those officially labeled as “friendly” to Tel Aviv.

This project is no longer tied to Netanyahu’s personal political survival. It has become close to a national consensus among Israeli institutions and political elites. Leaders like Yair Lapid or Naftali Bennett are unlikely to reverse course or return Israel to the pre-October 8th status quo.

What’s unfolding today isn’t a series of short-term security tactics. It’s a long-term strategic plan aimed at reshaping the regional balance of power and cementing Israel’s status as the undisputed regional superpower.

The author is a columnist for the Jordan Times

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Hanthala Outlasts Naji Al Ali as He Predicted

By the time he died on August 29, 1987, he had a collection of 40,000 cartoons. Naji Al Ali, the famous Palestinian cartoonist, had been in a coma for five weeks after being shot in the head by a gunman outside the London offices of Al Qabas newspaper on July 22.

Although till now nobody is certain of who killed him, Al Ali’s death was a result of decades of rebelliousness against the Arab status quo, his longing for change in Arab society, and the introduction of democracy.

He felt this would be translated into political strength to fight for the return of Palestine. Al Ali had the knack of weaving politics and culture together. His drawings had distinct messages: they were contextual, fighting against injustice and oppression in the Arab world.

Naji Al Ali was one of a kind. In few simple lines, he could depict the drama of a whole population and convey messages sometimes so sharp and rich in symbols that the viewer’s attention was effortlessly drawn to understanding the hidden meanings.

Though his messages were politically-driven, he always maintained he was apolitical and that politics did nothing for him.

This is despite the fact that his life had come to be dictated by a series of political actions. His expulsion, along with his family, to Lebanon in 1948, and ending up in Ain Al Hilweh camp, was but the first of these actions. Al Ali was only 10 or 11 when he was forced out of Shajara, a village of 400 that were destroyed by Israel.

Given a chance

In the 1950s, before being given the chance to go to Kuwait, his life was immersed in politics. He took part in demonstrations and served time in Lebanese jails. During this time, he started drawing on the walls of the camp and in prison.

“I felt within me a need for a different medium to express what I was going through,” he used to say. He often said he felt it was harder to censor a cartoon than an article. Al Ali’s talent was first discovered by Ghassan Kanafani, the Palestinian writer and activist killed by the Israelis in the early 1970s. He was visiting the camp at the time, came upon Al Ali’s work, took a sample and latter published them in Al Hurriya, the magazine he was working for.

This may have given Al Ali the opportunity to work in Kuwait in 1964 at the Al Talieh magazine, a now well-established weekly, representing the voice of the nationalists. There, he made his professional career as a cartoonist, though he did other things as well. In 1971 he returned to Lebanon where he worked in the well-respected Al Saffir.

It was in Lebanon he found the best and most productive years of his life, he would later write. “There, surrounded by the violence of many an army, and finally by the Israeli invasion (1982), I stood facing it all with my pen every day, I never felt fear, failure or despair, and I didn’t surrender. I faced armies with cartoons and drawings of hope and flowers, hope and bullets.”

But, contrary to this cheerful attitude, one also felt there was a degree of anger, mixed with cynicism and despair within Naji Al Ali that always prompted him in his cartoons; it was the failure of action, of ineptitude and the lack of Arab resolve.

That’s why he may have created the Hanthala cartoon that always came to appear in his sketches from the 1960s onwards. In fact, in an almost perceptive vision of his death, Ali would say Hanthala would outlast him and would live long after he was was dead.

Hanthala, whose name means bitterness in Arabic , represents the aspirations of the camp refugees and the right of return. We never see his face as he is never shown facing the reader.

Naji Al Ali described him as a bare-footed child with spiky hair, with his hands firmly clasped behind his back as a symbol of rejection to what happened to the Palestinians. He will only turn his head, when Palestine is regained. Hanthala will remain 10 years old until he returns to the homeland, when he will start growing up again.

After 1982, Naji Al Ali went back to Kuwait to work in Al Qabas, but there was no let down in his political message. In 1985, he was expelled, but continued to work in the newspaper’s London office.

His cartoons continued to appear in many daily newspapers across the region in Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Tunisia and Lebanon.

Did Al Ali’s untimely death at the age of 51, mean Hanthala will never turn his head, or will he wait for someone to redraw him.

Whichever the case, and in the spirit of his creator, he will continue with his back to the audience until Palestine is liberated.

This article, written by me, is reprinted here from the archives of Gulf News.

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‘No One in Lebanon Wants to Normalize with Israel,’ says PM Nawaf Salam

Lebanon doesn’t want to normalize with Israel, pure and simple. Despite increasing pressure from the US administration, the government in Beirut is against any normalization moves with Israel.

“No one in Lebanon wants normalization with Israel,” says Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. “It is rejected by all Lebanese people,” he added.

The comments of the newly-elected Lebanese Prime Minister, made Wednesday, to a delegation from the Lebanese Press Editors Association, are trending on the social media.

“International and Arab diplomatic pressure on Israel to halt its attacks has not been exhausted,” noting that “no one wants normalization with Israel in Lebanon, which is rejected by all Lebanese,” as carried by the naharnet website.

Salam said Lebanon would not establish ties with Israel even though the latter still controls five border posts in Lebanon and which have “have no military or security value, but Israel holds them to keep pressure on Lebanon.”

Local media reports have emerged about US pressure on Lebanon to reach “an agreement that is less than normalization and more than an armistice” with Israel according to Anadolu.

A ceasefire was reached by the two countries at the end of last November after a fully-fledged war that began in September following months of cross-border fire.  

Israel has repeatedly violated the terms of the ceasefire since then with 1,250 violations, 100 deaths and 330 injuries as reported by the Lebanese authorities.

Israel was supposed to withdraw from Lebanon by 26 January, 2025, extended the deadline to 18 February and still refuses to comply maintaining a outposts at five border-points.

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25 Centimeters of Snow Fall on Lebanon

Lebanon has been hit by a snowstorm and heavy rains, in the worst weather conditions in a decade.

Snow covered several villages and towns in mountainous areas of the western Beqaa region in eastern Lebanon, the state news agency NNA reported on Thursday.

With snow accumulating up to 25 centimeters, several towns in the Rachaya district became isolated, NNA said.

Heavy rainfall was also reported in Lebanon’s coastal areas.

Municipal authorities and the army have deployed snowplows and heavy machinery to reopen several roads that were blocked by the snowstorm.

The Lebanese Meteorological Service said the country is experiencing cloudy weather that is causing the temperature to drop below the seasonal averages.

Several other Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Palestine, Syria, and Türkiye, are also experiencing severe weather conditions with heavy rains and snowfall, particularly in their mountainous areas according to Anadolu.

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